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This paper aims at investigating the presence of the dichotomy of violence and non-violence in contemporary Palestinian political rhetoric and practice. To do so, I will explore the varied Palestinian discourses tracing from the contemporary back to the early twentieth century, where I will interrogate anti-colonials practice both in violent and non-violent modes. Throughout, I will map-out the different agencies and the fields of argumentation of each political entity, and its justifications as a group living under colonial conditions. This article consists of three parts: part I tackles the conceptual framework of the dichotomy of violence and non-violence; part II explores the historiography of the modes of violence and non-violence; and part III traces the controversy within Palestinian society over the topic at stake from the early 1900s until the present.

This chapter claims that non-violent action corresponds to a political dimension in which society has become a magnificent complex organism. Moreover, non-violent action corresponds to the phase of highest complexity in a social organization. Examples are provided ranging from ecology to population biology, from ethology to swarm intelligence. At the end, several conclusions are drawn that shed new lights on the social, cultural, and political understanding of our world and to the foreseeable future. The study of non-violent action provides sufficient arguments that allow the distinction between 'politics' and 'policy', i.e. 'policies', so much so that politics is highlighted as a highest and most significant dimension of the human experience, and policies are then considered as secondary or lower. The human rights provide the ground for the understanding and comprehension of non-violent actions. In the core of the text a topology of non-violent actions is provided along with its explanation. © 2017, IGI Global. All rights reserved.

International audience ; France has nuclear weapons, which are often contested by groups of citizens. The question of disarmament is often posed before an in-depth reflection on the foundations of war and peace. As military spending continues to rise, the UN has sought to reduce the arms race by proposing disarmament for development, which is unlikely to happen. For Marxist thought, along with class struggle, capitalism is responsible for today's wars. For liberals, free trade is, on the contrary, a factor of peace. Under these conditions, the analysis of the impact of military expenditure on national economies is important, especially if it highlights their effects of domination, but also their technological advances. Misery produces considerably more deaths than contemporary wars. If we can seek to control the arms race globally, the question of disarmament raises other economic and political questions to which the two modes of production provide divergent answers. ; La France dispose d'un armement nucléaire qui est souvent contesté par des groupes de citoyens. La question du désarmement est souvent posée avant une réflexion approfondie sur les fondements de la guerre et de la paix. Comme les dépenses militaires continuent à augmenter, l'ONU a cherché à réduire la course aux armements en proposant un désarmement pour le développement bien improbable. Pour la pensée marxiste, avec la lutte des classes, le capitalisme est responsable des guerres d'aujourd'hui. Pour les libéraux, le libre-échange est au contraire un facteur de paix. Dans ces conditions, l'analyse de l'impact des dépenses militaires sur les économies nationales est importante, surtout si elle met en lumière leurs effets de domination, mais aussi leurs avancées technologiques. La misère produit considérablement plus de décès que les guerres contemporaines. Si on peut chercher globalement à contrôler la course aux armements, la question du désarmement pose d'autres interrogations économiques et politiques sur lesquelles les deux modes des production ...

International audience ; France has nuclear weapons, which are often contested by groups of citizens. The question of disarmament is often posed before an in-depth reflection on the foundations of war and peace. As military spending continues to rise, the UN has sought to reduce the arms race by proposing disarmament for development, which is unlikely to happen. For Marxist thought, along with class struggle, capitalism is responsible for today's wars. For liberals, free trade is, on the contrary, a factor of peace. Under these conditions, the analysis of the impact of military expenditure on national economies is important, especially if it highlights their effects of domination, but also their technological advances. Misery produces considerably more deaths than contemporary wars. If we can seek to control the arms race globally, the question of disarmament raises other economic and political questions to which the two modes of production provide divergent answers. ; La France dispose d'un armement nucléaire qui est souvent contesté par des groupes de citoyens. La question du désarmement est souvent posée avant une réflexion approfondie sur les fondements de la guerre et de la paix. Comme les dépenses militaires continuent à augmenter, l'ONU a cherché à réduire la course aux armements en proposant un désarmement pour le développement bien improbable. Pour la pensée marxiste, avec la lutte des classes, le capitalisme est responsable des guerres d'aujourd'hui. Pour les libéraux, le libre-échange est au contraire un facteur de paix. Dans ces conditions, l'analyse de l'impact des dépenses militaires sur les économies nationales est importante, surtout si elle met en lumière leurs effets de domination, mais aussi leurs avancées technologiques. La misère produit considérablement plus de décès que les guerres contemporaines. Si on peut chercher globalement à contrôler la course aux armements, la question du désarmement pose d'autres interrogations économiques et politiques sur lesquelles les deux modes des production ...

International audience ; France has nuclear weapons, which are often contested by groups of citizens. The question of disarmament is often posed before an in-depth reflection on the foundations of war and peace. As military spending continues to rise, the UN has sought to reduce the arms race by proposing disarmament for development, which is unlikely to happen. For Marxist thought, along with class struggle, capitalism is responsible for today's wars. For liberals, free trade is, on the contrary, a factor of peace. Under these conditions, the analysis of the impact of military expenditure on national economies is important, especially if it highlights their effects of domination, but also their technological advances. Misery produces considerably more deaths than contemporary wars. If we can seek to control the arms race globally, the question of disarmament raises other economic and political questions to which the two modes of production provide divergent answers. ; La France dispose d'un armement nucléaire qui est souvent contesté par des groupes de citoyens. La question du désarmement est souvent posée avant une réflexion approfondie sur les fondements de la guerre et de la paix. Comme les dépenses militaires continuent à augmenter, l'ONU a cherché à réduire la course aux armements en proposant un désarmement pour le développement bien improbable. Pour la pensée marxiste, avec la lutte des classes, le capitalisme est responsable des guerres d'aujourd'hui. Pour les libéraux, le libre-échange est au contraire un facteur de paix. Dans ces conditions, l'analyse de l'impact des dépenses militaires sur les économies nationales est importante, surtout si elle met en lumière leurs effets de domination, mais aussi leurs avancées technologiques. La misère produit considérablement plus de décès que les guerres contemporaines. Si on peut chercher globalement à contrôler la course aux armements, la question du désarmement pose d'autres interrogations économiques et politiques sur lesquelles les deux modes des production ...

The present paper discusses the philosophy of 'nonviolence' (ahimsa) of Mahatma Gandhi, which he devised as a weapon to fight the brute forces of violence and hatred, hailing it as the only way to peace. Gandhi based his philosophy of nonviolence on the principle of love for all and hatred for none. He thought violence as an act caused to a person directly or indirectly, denying him his legitimate rights in the society by force, injury or deception. Gandhi's nonviolence means avoiding violent means to achieve one's end, howsoever, lofty it might be, as he firmly believed that the use of violence, even if in the name of achieving a justifiable end was not good, as it would bring more violence. He firmly adhered to the philosophy of Gita that preaches to follow the rightful path, remaining oblivious of its outcome. Gandhi used nonviolence in both his personal and political life and used it first in South Africa effectively and back home he applied it in India against the British with far more astounding success, as it proved supremely useful and efficacious in liberating the country from the British servitude. However, he never tried to use it as a political tactic to embarrass the opponent or to take undue advantage of his adversity.

Gandhi's concept of non-violence needs its philosophical background to be understood properly. There are still many misconceptions particularly about the Gandhian philosophy of non-violence. To reflect on the contradiction between the Gandhi as a historical and textual idea and Gandhi as a currency used by the heirs of Gandhi to promote the very oppressive and exploitative political and economic policies thus are full of ambivalences, contradictions and presuppositions/ dispositions between the political struggle for self-determination of people of India, the underlying principle of which was the wider participation of people and the India after the fruitful results of that struggle. Finally, the paper, evaluates normative and rhetorical content of peace of Gandhian political hermeneutics.

This document reflects on the articulation of bioethics in the construction of the new citizen that Colombia needs, regarding the events that arise with the signing and implementation of the peace process that is being carried out in the country. Urgently requires the formation of "new" Colombians who will be part of a rebuilt society and culture, who will be able to address the challenges that will be had in Colombia to achieve peaceful coexistence. In the development of the document, aspects of linking bioethics with the formation of citizens who are able to live harmoniously among each other are addressed, despite the diversity of opinion, culture, political ideas and religious beliefs, Colombians responsible and committed to The reconstruction of the country and the search for ways of social cooperation; Men and women who can live in balance with nature, recognizing that they are part of the ecosystem and therefore show respect for the environment in which they live. Emphasis is placed on the need to implement the statements of Unesco's Universal Declaration on Bioethics and Human Rights, as well as on the Goals of Sustainable Development, as well as proposals from important contemporary thinkers who have made great contributions in search of peace World, such as Nelson Mandela, among others. ; Este documento reflete sobre a articulação da bioética na construção do novo cidadão que a Colômbia precisa, em relação aos eventos que surgem com a assinatura e implementação do processo de paz que está sendo realizado no país. Urgentemente requer a formação de "novos" colombianos que serão parte de uma sociedade e cultura reconstruídas, que poderão enfrentar os desafios que se terão na Colômbia para alcançar a convivência pacífica. No desenvolvimento do documento, os aspectos relacionados à bioética estão sendo abordados com a formação de cidadãos capazes de viverem harmoniosamente entre si, apesar da diversidade de opinião, cultura, idéias políticas e crenças religiosas, colombianos responsáveis e comprometidos com A reconstrução do país e a busca de formas de cooperação social; Homens e mulheres que podem viver em equilíbrio com a natureza, reconhecendo que fazem parte do ecossistema e, portanto, mostram respeito pelo meio ambiente em que vivem. A ênfase é colocada na necessidade de implementar as declarações da Declaração Universal da Unesco sobre Bioética e Direitos Humanos, bem como sobre os Objetivos de Desenvolvimento Sustentável, bem como propostas de importantes pensadores contemporâneos que fizeram grandes contribuições em busca da paz Mundo, como é o caso de Nelson Mandela entre outros.

International audience ; Croisade ou inquisition, pogrom ou dévastation, la guerre est la contradiction permanente d'un message biblique, qui ne connaissait que le bonheur rural à son début, et l'apothéose à sa fin, de la Genèse à l'Apocalypse. Mais la Bible a de nombreux textes, chacun écrit dans sa perspective historique. Les personnages eux-mêmes sont composites. David, berger pacifique, a été aussi un guérillero malin. La guerre appartient aussi à une certaine nature des choses, et du moins elle est inhérente aux formes politiques. Chaque nation veut ses frontières et ses armées, et dans tous les programmes, la guerre est une répétition, presque rangée parmi les catastrophes naturelles. Le mystique ignore la guerre, mais il est rare. La relecture des textes bibliques ou analogues, dans ce colloque, est aussi une relecture des histoires et des mentalités. Sur le portail de Saint-Gilles, le sculpteur a donné à Michel, l'ange guerrier, un visage de paix souriante : la non-violence domine la force brute et Michel ne se bat pas contre des humains mais contre les démons.

International audience ; Croisade ou inquisition, pogrom ou dévastation, la guerre est la contradiction permanente d'un message biblique, qui ne connaissait que le bonheur rural à son début, et l'apothéose à sa fin, de la Genèse à l'Apocalypse. Mais la Bible a de nombreux textes, chacun écrit dans sa perspective historique. Les personnages eux-mêmes sont composites. David, berger pacifique, a été aussi un guérillero malin. La guerre appartient aussi à une certaine nature des choses, et du moins elle est inhérente aux formes politiques. Chaque nation veut ses frontières et ses armées, et dans tous les programmes, la guerre est une répétition, presque rangée parmi les catastrophes naturelles. Le mystique ignore la guerre, mais il est rare. La relecture des textes bibliques ou analogues, dans ce colloque, est aussi une relecture des histoires et des mentalités. Sur le portail de Saint-Gilles, le sculpteur a donné à Michel, l'ange guerrier, un visage de paix souriante : la non-violence domine la force brute et Michel ne se bat pas contre des humains mais contre les démons.

This research explores the 2018 revolution in Sudan to assess the extent to which the adoption of non-violence led to a more successful revolution and set Sudan on a path of democratic governance. It investigates the revolution's main slogan, Silmiya, coming from the Arabic word Salam meaning 'peace'. Thus, the nature and function of non-violence as well as what motivates people to resort to non-violence will be considered. The research acts as a point of departure from Fanon's theory of violence arguing that violence is revolutionary and liberating. Ultimately, the research challenges normative frameworks on the necessity of violence for social movements to succeed as Fanon theorises, sheds light on the power of non-violence, and highlights the importance of re-examining characteristics historically associated with non-violence, such as passivity or weakness.

While conflicts can be managed and resolved to the extent of peace keeping, evolving to state of peace and peace society is a far larger and challenging experience. The armed forces by definition and global practice are nurtured and trained to violence. However, it takes a lot more time and enough maturity and strength for a non-violent struggle.

The conflict between Tibet-China has been going on since 1950s. Chinese has proclaimed Tibet as an alienable part of her mainland where as Tibetans have distinct view regarding the issue. Tibetan spiritual leader and his followers fled to India in 1959 due to the invasion made by Mao Tse-tung and his PLA. Tibetans tried to regain their homeland by the armed struggle with the support of CIA. The movement was known as Khampa gurreilla warfare which they fought until 1974 from the Mustang base, territory of Nepal. The changing international political realm could not further advance their war and ended with betrayal, laying down the weapons, and surrender to Nepalese Army. It was because of the growing relationship between US and China. Even though US government had inclusive nature on her foreign policy during the cold war which was against the communist ideology but Nixon agreed to recognize Tibet and Taiwan belong to the Chinese mainland. In the 80s, Deng Xiaoping and Hu Yaobang offered the exiled Tibetan leaders to ''return to the motherland'' where they proposed except independence, everything was supposed to be settled. That's why, the Dalai Lama quit the concept of independent Tibet and accepted Deng's offer for the welfare of Tibet and her people. But, the negotiation was not smoothly undertaken when the Dalai Lama awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in the year of 1989. Chinese blamed him as ''seperatist and friend of western hostile forces'' and ignored the concept of Greater Autonomous Tibet and his non-violent path which he had put his argument in Strasbourg (1988) and US Congressional Human Rights Caucus (1987). The deadlock is sometimes got opened and almost no talk at all. The desirable returning interest of Tibetan exiled people and the Chinese negative argument towards the the Dalai Lama and his exiled government have not got any solution at this moment. Tibetans have claimed that there has been lots of human rights violation going on inside Tibet, the religion of Tibet has been charged for anti-religion of China, population transfer is increasing, discriminatory rule for Tibetans, the culture and art of Tibet have been destroyed, arbitrary detention etc. The main theme of writing this paper is to open the deadlock in the ground of negotiation and peaceful means. Violation and anger never support for the true relationship but enhances the environment beyond to the solution. If necessary, to resolve this issue, China and Tibet may friendly invite any international body like UN or neighbour countries like India to find the solution at any time. The newly elected Prime Minister of India is willing to enhance friendly relationship with China. If India shows her interest on solving the issue, then Tibetans will definitely benefit from this negotiation for the future perspectives. ; M-IES

The overall aim of my work is to contribute to a future theory of epistemic violence – thereby enabling us to gain a better understanding of the various forms of direct, physical violence which are usually analysed within peace studies, IR, political theory and related fields. My perspective starts from transdisciplinary peace studies, is concerned with the sociology of knowledge, and informed by post- and de-colonial theory as well as by feminist critique and political theory.

In the context of an authoritarian government, social media can be a tool of protest and criticism of the government and mobilization to end all forms of violence and repression to support the democratic process. Social media encourages political participation through online interactions of information and ideas involving various civil groups and communities. Tunisia and Egypt in Arab spring phenomena were examples where social media plays a vital role in encouraging democratization and preventing prolonged conflict and violence by governments. However, on the other hand, social media can also give a threat and challenges to democratic stability because the massive dissemination of information cannot be adequately controlled and supervised by governments, where individuals or groups that are not responsible can spread hate speech, and fake news because of certain political motives. So regulation is needed as an instrument to criminalize perpetrators, as well as collaboration between civil society and the government in monitoring, civil society groups can utilize anti-hoax discussion groups to make literacy or education regarding the use of social media wisely and correctly in order community is not easily damaged understanding to maintaining democracy stability.Keywords : Challenges, Democratic Society, Social Media, Political Mobilization