Magistrsko delo obravnava uporabo drog v sklopu nočnega življenja v Sloveniji, pri čemer se osredotoča predvsem na after partije. Uporabo drog in after partije obravnava kot specifičen vidik obiskovanja nočnega življenja, pri čemer izhaja iz teze, da ju je treba razumeti sociološko in v širšem družbenem kontekstu. Ker je fenomen after partija na splošno še neraziskan, delo najprej opredeli njegove specifike in značilnosti obiskovanja after partijev. Nato posebej obravnava značilnosti uporabe drog na after partiju, predvsem vzorce uporabe drog, razliko med vzorci uporabe drog na after partijih in partijih ter identificira subjektivne razloge za uporabo drog na after partijih. Nadalje delo razpravlja o možnih tveganjih, ki jih prinaša obiskovanje after partijev in uporaba drog na njih, ter o občutenih posledicah obiskovanja after partijev, ki so lahko bodisi negativne ali pozitivne. Na podlagi identificiranih tveganj delo obravnava ukrepe za zmanjševanje škode, pri tem pa identificira ukrepe, ki jih sogovorniki pogosto uporabljajo in so jih prepoznali kot potrebne, ter ukrepe, ki bi si jih sogovorniki želeli. Na podlagi rezultatov raziskave magistrsko delo ugotavlja, da se after partiji realno in simbolno razlikujejo od ostalih vidikov nočnega življenja, prav tako pa se razlikujejo značilni vzorci uporabe drog ter s tem povezana tveganja in posledice. Kot ugotavlja raziskava, so zaradi drugačnih tveganj in posledic za after partije potrebni tudi posebni ukrepi zmanjševanja škode, zato naloga v sklepnem delu predlaga nekaj možnih ukrepov zmanjševanja škode za after partije. ; This work discusses the use of drugs in the context of nightlife in Slovenia, focusing primarily on after parties. Both the use of drugs and the after parties are analysed as a specific part of nightlife, arguing that this phenomena need to be understood sociologically and in a broader social context. Because after party as a phenomenon has not yet been thoroughly researched, this work first defines its characteristics and analyses the specificities of attending such events. The use of drugs during after parties is also discussed, focusing specifically on the patterns of drug use, on the difference between the patterns of drug use during parties and after parties, and on the subjective reasons for the use of drugs. Moreover, the work discusses the possible risks of attending after parties and of drug use as well as the consequences that visitors of after parties recognise as either negative or positive. On the basis of the recognised risks, this work further discusses the harm reduction measures, identifying those measures that are often used and recognised as necessary by the participants and those measures that the participants recognised as needed. This work argues that after parties differ from the rest of the nightlife on actual and symbolic level and that they are characterised by specific patterns of drug use as well as specific risks and consequences. Due to these inherent specificities, it is maintained that particular strategies of harm reduction need to be implemented. Some possible harm reduction measures for after parties are hence proposed.
Evropski parlament je politično telo, ki že dolgo časa razdvaja javnost. Njegovi nasprotniki po eni strani trdijo, da je tako politično in kulturno heterogen organ nezmožen učinkovitega delovanja, po drugi strani pa naj bi evropski poslanci hitro izgubili stik s svojimi volivci ter glasovali predvsem tako, kot jim to naročijo vodje skupin. Zanimalo nas je, če evropski poslanci glasujejo dovolj avtomatično in predvidljivo, da bi lahko rezultate glasovanj uspešno napovedovali z modelom strojnega učenja. Da smo zmanjšali časovno kompleksnost smo se odločili za napovedovaje rezultatov glasovanj po političnih strankah. Najprej smo implementirali spletne pajke, s katerimi smo pridobili čim več rezultatov glasovanj in z njimi povezanih podatkov. Iz teh smo nato z interdisciplinarno kombinacijo metod podatkovnega rudarjenja ter strokovnega geopolitičnega znanja izluščili značilke in zgradili model. Rezultati so pokazali približno 80% uspešnost napovedovanja rezultatov glasovanj (uteženi oceni f1 in roc-auc). Napovedovanje je bilo bistveno bolj uspešno pri strankah s proevropsko,liberalno in globalistično politično usmeritvijo kot to velja za evroskeptične, ekonomsko socialne in nacionalistične stranke. S tem smo dodatno podprli tezo o obstoju in pomembnosti nove nacionalistično-globalistične politične delitve. Poleg tega predstavlja problem tudi razred vzdržanih glasovanj, ki ga je težko napovedati že s pomočjo človeške inteligence. ; European parliament is the major political legislative body of the EU that causes divides in public opinion since its beginning. While some of its opponents usually point out its political and culutural heterogenity as a major weakness and cause of inability to function eciently, others claim that MEPs often quickly lose their connection with voters and vote mainly as it is directed to them by the leaders of their politival groups. We wanted to nd out if MEPs voting patterns are predictable enough to be successfully predicted with machine-learning based computer model. To reduce time complexity of the problem we rather focused on joint votes of (national) political parties than individual MEPs. At rst we implemented web crawlers that we used to extract as many roll-call voting oriented data as we can. Than we combined data mining with expert geopolitcal approach to extract the features and build a model for voting prediction. Our predictions were overall nearly 80% successful (weighted f1, roc-auc), however results vary greatly between political groups. It became clear that we could easily predict votes of coallition parties with liberal-globalist political orientation while eurosceptic, economic social and nationalist parties seemed to be much more unpredictable. With that information we further backed the importance of the new nationalist-globalist political cleavage. A challenge to the model presents also a class of votes of abstention, which is hard to successfully predict even with expert human-knowledge.
Magistrsko delo obravnava vpliv migracij na vzpon podpore ekstremističnim političnim strankam v EU. Toksična kombinacija evroskepticizma, dolgega obdobja gospodarske stagnacije in najhujše migrantske krize od konca druge svetovne vojne je vodila do povečanja nestrpnosti državljanov EU do migrantov, percepcije ogroženosti lastne države in EU, s tem pa tudi do raztezanja vzpona desnih ekstremističnih političnih strank po celotni celini. Raziskovalni cilj predstavlja analiza povezanosti njihovega vzpona v EU s predpostavljenim najmočnejšim pojasnjevalnim dejavnikom, tj. stopnja liberalizacije oziroma odprtosti migracijske politike posameznih držav, od česar je odvisno število sprejetih migrantov. Pri tem sem uporabila metode analize primarnih in sekundarnih virov, vključujoč uradne statistike, ter javnomnenjske in mednarodne primerjalne raziskave prepričanj in delovanja posameznikov. Na njihovi podlagi potrjujem porast migrantskega staleža in desnih ekstremističnih tendenc v EU ter hkrati tudi obstoj korelacije. Z izjemo Malte, Portugalske, Romunije, Slovenije, Hrvaške, Španije ter Irske, v katerih desne ekstremistične politične stranke niso prepoznane. Vpliv migracij na volilne rezultate se zaradi individualnih nacionalnih značilnosti posameznih držav članic EU izraža različno, zato posledično zavračam možnost predpostavljenih jasnih linearnih vzporednic. ; The master thesis addresses the issue of migration's impact on the rise of support for extremist political parties in the EU. The toxic combination of Euroscepticism, the long period of economic stagnation and the worst migrant crisis since the end of the Second World War has led to an increase of EU citizens' intolerance against migrants, the perception of the threat to their own country and the EU, as well as the extension of the rise of right-wing extremist political parties throughout the continent. The research objective is to analyse the correlation of their rise in the EU with the presumed strongest explanatory factor, i.e. the degree of liberalization or openness of the migration policy in individual countries, on which depends the number of migrants accepted. In doing so, methods of analysing primary and secondary sources, including official statistics, opinion polls and international comparative research on the beliefs and actions of individuals, were used. On their basis, I confirm the growth of the migrant stock and the right extremist tendencies in the EU, and at the same time the existence of a correlation. With the exception of Malta, Portugal, Romania, Slovenia, Croatia, Spain and Ireland, where the right-wing extremist political parties are not recognized. The impact of migration on election results is reflected differently due to individual national characteristics of EU Member States, consequently I reject the possibility of assuming clear linear parallels.
Predstavniška demokracija se je v zgodovini soočala s številnimi izzivi. Kljub temu da je izjemno fleksibilen pojav in da se je ob pojavu krize poskuša prilagoditi, pa se zaradi krize predstavniške demokracije pojavljajo različne ideologije. Osnovni namen dela je predstaviti razvoj predstavniške demokracije in populizem kot pojav, ki je nastal kot posledica težav znotraj predstavniške demokracije. V prvem delu bodo prikazani predstavniška demokracija, različni modeli ter ključni aparati predstavniške demokracije. V drugem delu sledijo kazalci krize predstavniške demokracije v Evropi ter izzivi, s katerimi se sooča. V zadnjem delu bo govora o ideologiji populizma, ki je predvsem v zadnjih dveh desetletjih doživel razcvet, zlasti v evropskih državah. S primerjavo levičarskega populističnega primera in desničarskega populističnega primera bo laže razumeti koncept populizma, ki ima v evropskem prostoru velik pomen. Ugotovili smo, da je populizem pomemben člen demokracije, in sicer predvsem na področjih participacije in mobilizacije ljudi. Populizem na oblasti pokaže drug obraz, takrat lahko postane dejavnik, ki kakovost demokracije slabša. ; Representative democracy has faced many challenges in the past. Despite the fact that it is an extremely flexible phenomenon and that it seeks to adjust in the event of a crisis, various ideologies occur because of the crisis of representative democracy. The main purpose of the master's thesis is to present the development of representative democracy and populism as a phenomenon that emerged as a result of problems within representative democracy. In the first part representative democracy, various models and key apparatus of representative democracy will be presented. The second part shows the indicators of the crisis of representative democracy in Europe and the challenges it faces. In the final part, we will discuss the ideology of populism, which has been booming particularly in the last two decades and especially in European countries. By comparing the left-wing populist example and the right-wing populist example, it will be easier to understand the concept of populism, which has great significance in the European area. We have found that populism is an important part of democracy, especially in the fields of participation and mobilization of people. Populism in power shows another face, then it can become a factor that worsenes the quality of democracy.
Na volilni sistem lahko gledamo kot na proces, ki ga razdelimo na fazo kandidiranja, fazo glasovanja in fazo ugotavljanja izida glasovanja. Fazo kandidiranja lahko opredelimo kot volitve pred dejanskimi volitvami, saj se že v tem delu izmed vseh, ki izpolnjujejo pogoje pasivne volilne pravice, izbere manjše število kandidatov, med katerimi lahko volivci v naslednji fazi glasujejo. Pogoji kandidiranja pri predsedniških volitvah na eni strani zagotavljajo, da se volilne tekme udeležijo najbolj kredibilni in zaupanja vredni posamezniki, na drugi strani pa poskrbijo, da se izloči tiste, ki že v tej fazi uživajo premajhno podporo in nimajo niti najmanjše možnosti za izvolitev. Ti pogoji so navadno višji kot pri drugih državnih ali lokalnih volitvah. Primerjalno gledano sta najbolj značilna pogoja višja starost in državljanstvo, ki ju mora izpolnjevati kandidat ob podpori, ki je predpisana z določenim številom podpisov ali denarnim depozitom. Kot predlagateljice nastopajo predvsem tri skupine, in sicer politične stranke, člani parlamenta in volivci. Lahko pride tudi do kombinacije med dvema ali vsemi predlagatelji. Če za parlamentarne volitve velja prevlada političnih strank kot predlagateljev, je pri predsedniških volitvah drugače, saj se daje več poudarka članom parlamenta in volivcem. Za razliko od večine evropskih držav Republika Slovenija ne predpisuje strožjih omejitev za predsedniške kandidate, ampak določa enake pogoje za pridobitev pasivne in aktivne volilne pravice, pri tem pa lahko kandidata predlagajo politične stranke, poslanci državnega zbora in volivci. Volilni predpisi pa prepovedujejo, da bi lahko nekdo bil hkrati kandidat za Predsednika republike in za poslanca Državnega zbora ali člana Državnega sveta in je lahko na to funkcijo izvoljen največ dvakrat zaporedoma. ; Electoral system can be determined as a process that is divided into the phase of nomination, the voting phase and the phase that indentifies the results of voting. A smaller number of candidates that are eligible for election is selected in the phase of nominaton and among those voters can vote in the next phase. That is why nomination phase can be defined as the elections before actual elections. The conditions in the nomination phase on one hand ensure that the most credible and trusted individuals take part in elections and on the other hand the conditions eliminate those who do not have enough support and do not even have the slightest chance of being elected. These conditions are usually higher than in any other national or local elections. In comparative terms, most typical conditions are higher age and citizenship and those conditions must be met by a candidate, who also needs a support which is prescribed by a certain number of signatures or cash deposit. The proposers are mainly three groups – political parties, members of parliament and voters. There may also be a combination between two or all of the proposers. Unlike in parliamentary elections where political parties dominate as proposers, in the presidential election voters and members are more important proposers than political parties. Unlike most European countries Republic of Slovenia does not prescribe stricter limits for presidential candidates but stipulates the same conditions for obtaining the right to stand and right to vote. Candidates can be nominated by political parties, deputies of the national assembly and voters. The electoral regulations prohibit that one may be a candidate for the president of the republic and a member of the national assembly or a member of the national council at the same time. No one can be elected as the President of the Republic of Slovenia more than twice in a row.
Given the rise in far-right and populist rhetoric in Europe, particularly in light of the 2015 refugee crisis and the racist and xenophobic responses to it, this paper provides a multimodal analysis of the campaign slogans and posters of Slovenian political parties that gained parliamentary seats during the 2018 parliamentary elections that were, alongside focusing on issues pertaining to the Slovenian political landscape, heavily infused with concerns and potential solutions on how to tackle the challenges currently faced by Europe. The aim is to examine the linguistic and visual tools used by parties across the political spectrum, and to find out if the use of certain elements is characteristic of a determined political orientation. A brief outline of Slovenian party dynamics and the conditions that have contributed to them is followed by an analysis of the parties' political campaigns. Using the tools of political discourse analysis, the first part is centred around parties' choice of syntax and lexis in their political slogans, as well as the imagery on their posters, whereas the second is devoted to a linguistic analysis of how parties frame and address five key common issues in their political programmes: pensions, corruption, finance, healthcare and safety. Their stances and how these differ or coincide based on their place on the political spectrum are exemplified by short excerpts from the programmes. ; Given the rise in far-right and populist rhetoric in Europe, particularly in light of the 2015 refugee crisis and the racist and xenophobic responses to it, this paper provides a multimodal analysis of the campaign slogans and posters of Slovenian political parties that gained parliamentary seats during the 2018 parliamentary elections that were, alongside focusing on issues pertaining to the Slovenian political landscape, heavily infused with concerns and potential solutions on how to tackle the challenges currently faced by Europe. The aim is to examine the linguistic and visual tools used by parties across the political spectrum, and to find out if the use of certain elements is characteristic of a determined political orientation. A brief outline of Slovenian party dynamics and the conditions that have contributed to them is followed by an analysis of the parties' political campaigns. Using the tools of political discourse analysis, the first part is centred around parties' choice of syntax and lexis in their political slogans, as well as the imagery on their posters, whereas the second is devoted to a linguistic analysis of how parties frame and address five key common issues in their political programmes: pensions, corruption, finance, healthcare and safety. Their stances and how these differ or coincide based on their place on the political spectrum are exemplified by short excerpts from the programmes. ; Given the rise in far-right and populist rhetoric in Europe, particularly in light of the 2015 refugee crisis and the racist and xenophobic responses to it, this paper provides a multimodal analysis of the campaign slogans and posters of Slovenian political parties that gained parliamentary seats during the 2018 parliamentary elections that were, alongside focusing on issues pertaining to the Slovenian political landscape, heavily infused with concerns and potential solutions on how to tackle the challenges currently faced by Europe. The aim is to examine the linguistic and visual tools used by parties across the political spectrum, and to find out if the use of certain elements is characteristic of a determined political orientation. A brief outline of Slovenian party dynamics and the conditions that have contributed to them is followed by an analysis of the parties' political campaigns. Using the tools of political discourse analysis, the first part is centred around parties' choice of syntax and lexis in their political slogans, as well as the imagery on their posters, whereas the second is devoted to a linguistic analysis of how parties frame and address five key common issues in their political programmes: pensions, corruption, finance, healthcare and safety. Their stances and how these differ or coincide based on their place on the political spectrum are exemplified by short excerpts from the programmes. ; Given the rise in far-right and populist rhetoric in Europe, particularly in light of the 2015 refugee crisis and the racist and xenophobic responses to it, this paper provides a multimodal analysis of the campaign slogans and posters of Slovenian political parties that gained parliamentary seats during the 2018 parliamentary elections that were, alongside focusing on issues pertaining to the Slovenian political landscape, heavily infused with concerns and potential solutions on how to tackle the challenges currently faced by Europe. The aim is to examine the linguistic and visual tools used by parties across the political spectrum, and to find out if the use of certain elements is characteristic of a determined political orientation. A brief outline of Slovenian party dynamics and the conditions that have contributed to them is followed by an analysis of the parties' political campaigns. Using the tools of political discourse analysis, the first part is centred around parties' choice of syntax and lexis in their political slogans, as well as the imagery on their posters, whereas the second is devoted to a linguistic analysis of how parties frame and address five key common issues in their political programmes: pensions, corruption, finance, healthcare and safety. Their stances and how these differ or coincide based on their place on the political spectrum are exemplified by short excerpts from the programmes. ; Given the rise in far-right and populist rhetoric in Europe, particularly in light of the 2015 refugee crisis and the racist and xenophobic responses to it, this paper provides a multimodal analysis of the campaign slogans and posters of Slovenian political parties that gained parliamentary seats during the 2018 parliamentary elections that were, alongside focusing on issues pertaining to the Slovenian political landscape, heavily infused with concerns and potential solutions on how to tackle the challenges currently faced by Europe. The aim is to examine the linguistic and visual tools used by parties across the political spectrum, and to find out if the use of certain elements is characteristic of a determined political orientation. A brief outline of Slovenian party dynamics and the conditions that have contributed to them is followed by an analysis of the parties' political campaigns. Using the tools of political discourse analysis, the first part is centred around parties' choice of syntax and lexis in their political slogans, as well as the imagery on their posters, whereas the second is devoted to a linguistic analysis of how parties frame and address five key common issues in their political programmes: pensions, corruption, finance, healthcare and safety. Their stances and how these differ or coincide based on their place on the political spectrum are exemplified by short excerpts from the programmes. ; V luči pojava skrajno desne in populistične retorike v Evropi, ki je bila zlasti posledica migrantske krize leta 2015, ter rasističnega in ksenofobnega diskurza, ki je bil premnogokrat odgovor nanjo, članek podaja multimodalno analizo političnih sloganov in plakatov slovenskih strank, ki so na državnozborskih volitvah leta 2018 osvojile parlamentarne sedeže. Volitve so bile namreč poleg osredotočanja na problematike, lastne slovenski politični krajini, prežete z govorom o tem, kako se spopasti z izzivi, s katerimi se sooča Evropa. Cilj raziskave je preučiti, katerih jezikovnih in vizualnih sredstev so se posluževale stranke na najrazličnejših straneh političnega spektra in ali bi lahko za nekatere elemente dejali, da so značilni za določeno politično usmerjenost. Kratkemu pregledu slovenskih strankarskih dinamik in pogojev, ki so pripomogli k njihovemu razvoju, sledi analiza političnih kampanj strank. Zavzemši držo politične analize diskurza se prvi del osredotoča na leksikalne in skladenjske odločitve strank v političnih sloganih in na podporno slikovno gradivo, medtem ko je drugi del namenjen jezikoslovni analizi načina, kako politične stranke v svojih predvolilnih programih naslavljajo pet glavnih tem: pokojnine, korupcijo, finance, zdravstvo in varnost. Njihova stališča in razlike med njimi glede na politično usmerjenost so ponazorjene z izbranimi izseki iz strankarskih programov.
Mediacija je postopek alternativnega reševanja sporov, ki je primerna za skoraj vse vrste sporov, v katerih si stranke želijo obdržati nadzor nad procesom ter izidom njihovega spora. Mediator namreč ne sprejme končne odločitve v postopku, temveč strankam le pomaga, da najdejo skupni jezik, se zbližajo v stališčih in rešitev najdejo same. Pri tem pa mediatorju pomagajo mediacijske tehnike. Mediacijske tehnike so osnova in bistvo mediatorjevega dela, brez njihove uporabe pa je situacija ista, kot če bi se pogovarjali stranki sami brez mediatorja, saj je mediatorjev prispevek zanemarljiv. Osnovni mediacijski tehniki sta aktivno poslušanje ter povzemanje, zanemarljiva pa niso niti ločena srečanja, ki so hkrati ena izmed največjih prednosti mediacijskega postopka v primerjavi s pravdnim. Čeprav se na papirju zdi enostavna, je uporaba mediacijskih tehnik v praksi vse prej kot preprosta, vendar pa lahko z njihovo pravilno, natančno ter vztrajno uporabo dober mediator doseže, da so stranke pripravljene na prilagajanje in popuščanje. Uporaba tehnik je nujna tako v pravdnih kot gospodarskih mediacijah, kot tudi v drugih vrstah spora, pri tem pa je nujno slediti strankam ter ne »prehitevati«. Tudi sicer je mediacija postopek, ki je namenjen bolj strankam kot njihovim pravnim pooblaščencem, v kolikor pa so ti vseeno prisotni, je zaželeno, da sodelujejo z mediatorjem in ne otežujejo njegovega dela. Sodelovanje je mišljeno v smislu naklonjenosti dogovarjanju in poravnavanju ter spodbujanju strank k iskanju mirnih, stroškovno ugodnih ter predvsem bolj trdnih rešitev. Dogovor, sprejet v mediaciji, je namreč praviloma bolj trden in spoštovan, kot če je vsiljen s strani tretje osebe. ; Mediation is a process of alternative dispute resolution that is suitable for almost all types of disputes where parties want to have control over the process of resolution and the eventual outcome. The role of a mediator is not to arbitrate, but to facilitate discourse and mutual understanding between parties, and to assist them in negotiating a settlement. The essence of a mediator's work are mediation techniques. Without them, the process of mediation is reduced to parties attempting to resolve a conflict on their own, making a mediator's contribution negligible. Besides listening and summarizing, one of the most important techniques are separate meetings, which is also one of the biggest advantages of mediation over litigation. These mediation techniques seem simple in theory, but are difficult to apply in practice. By using them correctly, thoroughly, and persistently, a skilled mediator can steer parties towards being more agreeable and willing to compromise. The use of mediation techniques is necessary in both civil and commercial proceedings, as well as in other types of disputes. In using them, a mediator should always follow each party's lead and not rush the process. Mediation is designed for the benefit of parties themselves and not for their attorneys. If attorneys are present, they should cooperate with the mediator by being open to agreements and settlements, and by encouraging parties to reach peaceful, affordable, and firm solutions. Solutions reached with mediation namely tend to be firmer and are more likely to be respected than the ones imposed by a judge or someone else.
Med pomembnimi mejniki v razvoju evropskega sistema DDV moramo vsekakor omeniti 1. januar 1992, ko so bile odpravljene davčne meje med državami članicami Evropske unije. Če se je do tega datuma dobava blaga v drugo državo članico Evropske unije štela kot izvoz blaga, ki so ga nadzorovali carinski organi, je s tem dnem odpravljen oziroma prepovedan nadaljnji sistematičen nadzor blaga, ki se dobavlja iz ene države v drugo. Carinski organi so izgubili svoje pristojnosti za nadzor tega dela trgovine na notranjem trgu ; obstoječe nadzorne mehanizme so nadomestili novi, pristojnost pa se je prenesla na davčne organe. Del nalog, ki jih je do vstopa Slovenije v Evropsko unijo opravljala carina, je odpadel na davčne zavezance. Ob vstopu Slovenije v Evropsko unijo se je povečala tudi zunanjetrgovinska menjava. Zaradi povečanega poslovanja Slovenije z državami članicami Evropske unije so se začeli pojavljati tristranski posli in posledično tudi verižni posli med večimi udeleženci. Pravi tristranski posli potekajo med tremi udeleženci (pridobitelj, dobavitelj in prejemnik), ki so identificirani za davek na dodano vrednost v svoji državi Evropske unije. Blago poteka med udeleženci v verigi, in sicer od dobavitelja do prejemnika blaga. Pridobitelj nastopa med njima le kot neke vrste posrednik. Ti posli so z davčnega vidika v Zakonu o davku na dodano vrednost posebej urejeni. Problem nastopi pri nepravih tristranskih poslih in verižnih poslih, npr. ko je eden od udeležencev fizična oseba, ko nastopa udeleženec iz tretje države, ko so udeleženi več kot trije davčni zavezanci, itd… V okviru magistrske naloge bom analizirala osnovne značilnosti pravih tristranskih poslov, nepravih tristranskih poslov in verižne posle. Glede na to, da je pri pravih tristranskih poslih določen kraj obdavčitve in pogoji, na osnovi katerih kupec ne obračuna DDV od pridobitve blaga, je potrebno pri nepravih tristranskih poslih in verižnih poslih pred določitvijo kraja in časa nastanka davčne obveznosti ugotoviti, kje je dobavitelj prenesel lastništvo na blagu na pridobitelja in kje mu je izročil blago. Z davčnega vidika so ti posli zelo zahtevni, zato je v Šesti smernici določena posebna ureditev, ki želi te posle poenostaviti in jih obdavčit le enkrat. ; Among the important milestones in the development of the European VAT system, we must certainly mention the January 1, 1992, when fiscal borders between the Member States of the European Union were abolished. If the supply of goods to another Member State of the European Union, to this date counted as export of goods, which were monitored by the customs authorities, from that date, the systematic control of goods, which were supplied from one country to another, vas forbidden. Customs authorities did lose their powers to control this part of the trade in the internal market ; the existing control mechanisms were replaced by new ones ; competence has been transferred to the tax authorities. Parts of the tasks which are to Slovenia's entry into the European Union perform by customs authorities, vas transferred to taxpayer. When Slovenia joined the European Union, it has also increased its foreign trade. Due to the increased Slovenian business with EU Member States, trilateral transactions and, consequently, chain transactions between multiple participants have started to emerge. Real tripartite transactions take place between the three parties (the acquirer, supplier and recipient) who are identified for value added tax in its own European Union country. Goods are transferred between the actors in the chain, from the supplier to the consignee. The acquirer is getting between them only as a sort of agent. These transactions in tax terms are specifically decorated in the Law on Value Added Tax. The problem occurs in the quasi-tripartite transactions and chain transactions, for example when one of the participants is a person, when a participant is from a third country, when they are more than three taxpaying participants, etc. In this master's thesis I will analysed the basic characteristics of real trilateral business, quasi-tripartite business and chain business. Given that the real trilateral engagements have known place of taxation and the conditions, based on which the buyer does not charge VAT on the acquisition of goods, are known, for the quasi-tripartite transactions and chain transactions it is necessary before determining the location of taxation and the time when the tax liabilities arise, to determine where the supplier transferred ownership of the goods to the purchaser and where he handed over the goods. From a tax perspective, these transactions are very complex, fir that the sixth guideline provides a specific regulation, which seeks to simplify this business and be taxed only once.
The present book provides a concise overview of relevant studies in the field of financing sustainable development in communities, innovation and public private partnership, with special stress on analogy between smart cities and smart municipalities. The research generated till now the most the complete and entire repository of data connected to project financing in municipalities, the number and competences of clerks, innovation and public private partnership in Slovenian municipalities in years 2005 till 2012. It scopes one quarter of municipalities and one fifth of Slovenian population. In total of 200 hypotheses were tested for significance of number or shares of projects with different ways of financing with influential factors such as region, the number of clerks, the number of competent and high educated clerks, municipal experiences with public private partnership, cooperation between municipalities and experiences with innovation. The hypotheses were tested for each year. Effects of selected factors in the period often vary from year to year. We have explained the possible causes for the difference in power factor.
Varnost cestnega prometa najpogosteje povezujemo s številom prometnih nesreč in mrtvimi v prometnih nesrečah. Po statističnih podatkih Policije predstavlja vožnja pod vplivom alkohola enega izmed najpomembnejših dejavnikov za nastanek prometnih nesreč. V Sloveniji število povzročiteljev prometnih nesreč, ki so pod vplivom alkohola, sorazmerno pada z zmanjševanjem števila prometnih nesreč. V nalogi je prikazana prometna varnost ter socialna stališča ljudi do prometne varnosti v Evropi in Sloveniji. Podrobneje je analizirana prometna varnost na območju Policijske uprave Maribor v letih 2008–2012, s poudarkom na vplivu alkohola na varnost v cestnem prometu. Spremembe prometne zakonodaje in uvedba ukrepov na področju zmanjšanja rabe alkohola pripomorejo k zmanjševanju števila prometnih nesreč, ki jih povzročijo povzročitelji pod vplivom alkohola. V prihodnje je potrebno spodbujanje udeležencev v prometu k odgovornejšemu ravnanju in vedenju, oblikovanju zavesti o prometni varnosti in spoštovanju zakonodajnih predpisov, da bi se zagotovila večja prometna varnost cestnega prometa. ; Road traffic safety is most commonly related to the number of accidents and deaths in traffic accidents. Statistical data collected by the police show that driving under the influence of alcohol is one of the most important factors for the occurrence of traffic accidents. In Slovenia, the number of accidents caused by drivers under the influence of alcohol decreases proportionally to the decreasing number of traffic accidents. The study presents traffic safety and people's social perception about road transport safety in Europe and in Slovenia. More detailed analysis of transportation security highlighting the impact of alcohol on road traffic safety is given for the area within the Police Administration Maribor during the years 2008–2012. Modifications of traffic regulation and the implementation of measures to reduce usage of alcohol are assisting to lower the number of traffic accidents caused by alcohols intoxicated drivers. To assure better road transportation safety in the future, the encouragement of all road traffic participants to act responsibly, to be aware of traffic safety guidelines and to obey traffic regulation is necessary.
Concerns have been raised over the possible link between the growing political polarisation and fears of autocratisation in Slovenia. Faced with a lack of empirical data, we seek to answer two questions. First, how has political polarisation developed in Slovenia? We show that Slovenia has experienced massive increases in both ideological and affective polarisation on the levels of the citizenry and political parties. Second, what has been the effect of political polarisation on liberal democracy in Slovenia? A GLS (generalised least squares) model for the period 1992 to 2022 confirms negative effects only for affective, but not ideological polarisation regarding V-Dem's liberal democracy and judicial constraints on the executive indices. Keywords: Slovenia, affective polarisation, ideological polarisation, autocratisation, SJM
V magistrskem diplomskem delu je predstavljena Konvencija Združenih narodov proti korupciji, prvi in edini univerzalni mednarodnopravno zavezujoči protikorupcijski instrument. Ta je rezultat večletnih naporov številnih držav in iskanja potrebnega konsenza za njeno sprejetje, danes pa ima že 182 pogodbenic. Konvencija obravnava preventivne ukrepe, inkriminacijo, kazenski pregon, mednarodno sodelovanje, povračilo premoženja, strokovno pomoč in izmenjavo informacij. Vzpostavljen je ocenjevalni mehanizem implementacije Konvencije, ki se v ciklih posveča vsem njenim določbam, tudi pravno nezavezujočim, katerih število in odsotnost strogega režima izvrševanja neizbežno pomeni, da Konvencija sama po sebi ne bo odpravila korupcije. Kljub temu državam nudi skupni okvir na katerega se lahko oprejo ter dodatno vzpodbudo za sodelovanje. Zato je ključno uporabiti in po potrebi nadgraditi regionalne mehanizme, ki lahko kakovostno dopolnjujejo cilje Konvencije. Končno poročilo prvega cikla ocenjevanja implementacije III. in IV. poglavja je za Slovenijo vzpodbudno. Izdana so bila določena priporočila, a hkrati prepoznani številni primeri dobre prakse. Učinki Konvencije bodo vidni postopoma, ko in če bodo države upoštevale izdana priporočila, počakati pa je treba še na zaključek drugega cikla in s tem pregled II. in V. poglavja. Za prihodnost brez korupcije je bistveno, da ob spoštovanju nacionalne suverenosti države ohranijo voljo za skupen mednarodni boj, Konvencija pa zaenkrat deluje kot dober skupni imenovalec na tej poti. ; This master thesis analyses United Nations Convention against Corruption, first and only universal legally binding anti-corruption instrument. The latter is a result of years of efforts made by numerous states in search of required consensus to adopt a document, which has 182 parties by now. Convention deals with preventive measures, criminalization, law enforcement, international cooperation, asset recovery, technical assistance and information exchange. An implementation review mechanism has been established, which will address all the Convention's provisions in cycles, including the non-binding ones. The number of those and lack of a strict enforcement regime inevitably means that Convention on its own cannot put an end to corruption. What is crucial, is a common framework for states to lean on and above all, encouragement for cooperation. Therefore it is vital to utilize and, depending on the needs, upgrade existing regional mechanisms, which can complement goals of the Convention. Final report of the first review cycle of the implementation of chapters III. and IV. is reassuring for Slovenia. Certain recommendations were made, but numerous examples of good practice were also recognized. Effects of the entire Convention will be seen gradually, when and if states follow issued recommendations, plus we need to wait for the end of the second cycle and with it the review of chapters II. and V. For a future without corruption it is crucial that states, while respecting national sovereignty, preserve their will for the joint international fight. And so far Convention works as a good common denominator on this path.
V prvem delu magistrskega dela sem se osredotočil na zgodovino in organiziranost gasilcev v Sloveniji in Združenih državah Amerike, predstavil sem požarno preventivo in vzroke za požare. V svetu požari postajajo vedno večji problem, saj zaradi klimatskih sprememb, staranja prebivalstva, malomarnosti ljudi, nepazljivosti, novih tehnologij, različnih novih materialov in zmanjševanja vlaganj v požarno varnost lahko povzročijo vse večjo premoženjsko, materialno in človeško škodo. S tem lahko opozorimo na dejstvo, da je gasilstvo zelo pomembna družbena panoga, ki pa je v Sloveniji slabše cenjena kot v Združenih državah Amerike. K znanju in usposobljenosti gasilcev izjemno pripomorejo zgodovina, organiziranost in vlaganje denarja. Seveda ne smemo pozabiti tudi na izboljševanje zakonodaje področja požarne varnosti, ki zajema tako načrtovanje požarne varnosti in tudi samo gašenje požarov. Organiziranost gasilcev v Sloveniji in Združenih državah Amerike je različno, saj se zdi da so ameriški gasilci bolje tehnično in organizacijsko izurjeni. V zgodovini obeh držav se je zgodilo mnogo uničujočih požarov, ki so terjali veliko smrtnih žrtev in premoženja. V drugem delu magistrskega dela sem opravil statistično analizo števila požarov in škode, ki je pri tem nastala v Sloveniji in v Združenih državah Amerike v obdobju od leta 1992 do leta 2018. V Sloveniji se vsako leto zgodi od 4000 do 6000 požarov, v Združenih državah Amerike pa se v zadnjih letih zgodi od 1,3 milijona do 1,6 milijona požarov letno. Najpogostejši požari so požari v objektih, v prometu, v naravi in v komunalnih ali drugih zabojnikih. V Sloveniji se skozi leta število požarov drastično ni spremenilo, vendar pa število ves čas niha. V Združenih državah Amerike se je število požarov iz leta 1992 zmanjšalo za okoli 25 %. Število poškodovanih v požarih se v Sloveniji v zadnjih letih malce zvišuje, število smrtnih žrtev požara pa ostaja dokaj konstantno. V Združenih državah Amerike obe ti številki skozi leta padata. Izjema je le leto 2001, ko se je zgodil napad na World Trade Center. Premoženjska škoda, ki je nastala v požarih, je v Sloveniji v zadnjih letih okoli 7 milijonov evrov, v Združenih državah Amerike pa se ta številka že več kot 15 let vrti okoli 15 milijard dolarjev. Spet pa je izjema leto 2001 zaradi napada v New Yorku, ki je povzročil več kot 30 milijard denarne škode. ; In the first part of the master's degree thesis, I focused on the history and organization of firefighters in Slovenia and United States of America, I presented fire prevention and the causes of fires. In the world, fires are becoming an increasing problem, as they can cause increasing property, material and human damage due to climate change, population aging, human negligence, carelessness, new technologies, various new materials and reduced investment in fire safety. Therefore, firefighting is a very important social sector, which is less valued in Slovenia than in the United States. History, organization and investment of money contribute enormously to the knowledge and skills of firefighters. Of course, we must not forget to improve the legislation in the field of fire safety, which includes both fire safety planning and firefighting itself. The organization of firefighters in Slovenia and the United States is different, it seems that American firefighters are better technically and organizationally trained. In addition, this profession is also more valued there. There have been many devastating fires in the history of both countries, claiming many lives and property. In the second part of my master's degree thesis, I performed a statistical analysis of the number of fires and damage that occurred in Slovenia and the United States in the period from 1992 to 2018. In Slovenia, between 4,000 and 6,000 fires occur every year. In the United States, however, 1.3 million to 1.6 million fires have occurred in recent years. The most common fires are fires in buildings, in traffic, in nature, and in communal or other containers. In Slovenia, the number of fires has not changed drastically over the years, the number fluctuates all the time. In the United States, however, the number of fires in 1992 fell by about 25 percents. The number of people injured in fires in Slovenia has been rising slightly in recent years, while the number of fatalities in fires has remained fairly constant. In the United States, however, both of these numbers have been falling over the years. The only exception is 2001, when the attack on the World Trade Center took place. The property damage caused by fires in Slovenia in recent years is around 7 million euros, and in the United States this figure has been hovering around 15 billion dollars for more than 15 years. Again, the exception is 2001 due to the attack in New York, which caused more than 30 billion in monetary damage.
Magistrska naloga preučuje dejavnike, ki so povzročili evropsko migracijsko krizo v obdobju 2015/2016 in njihov vpliv na politično dogajanje v Evropski uniji. Čeprav se je Zahodna Evropa srečevala s problematiko migracij že v preteklosti, Evropska unija ni imela izdelane in sprejete ustrezne skupne migracijske politike. Migracije so postale pomembno politično vprašanje in glavna tema volilnih kampanj. Namen naloge je predstaviti vpliv problematike migracij na odločanje volivcev. Slednji je bil dosežen z analizo volitev nekaterih držav članic ter volitev v Evropski parlament v obdobju od leta 2015 do leta 2019. Ta je pokazala vzpon desnih populističnih in nacionalističnih strank, ki so podporo volivcev pridobivale predvsem s protimigrantsko retoriko. Glede na njihov vzpon se je pojavilo vprašanje, ali bi lahko porast moči teh strank vplival na način izvajanja skupne migracijske politike in na politično prihodnost Evropske unije. Na podlagi raziskovanja lahko ugotovimo, da migracije bistveno prispevajo k gospodarskemu in družbenemu razvoju posamezne države ter s tem posledično predstavljajo eno osrednjih predvolilnih tem. Rezultati volitev so sicer potrdili porast podpore tovrstnim strankam, vendar ne v tej meri, da bi v Evropskem parlamentu dobile moč oblikovati politično prihodnost Evropske unije. Na kompleksnost migracij vplivajo različni dejavniki, predstavljeni v magistrski nalogi, ki pripomorejo k razumevanju povezave problema migracij z dogajanjem v evropskem političnem prostoru. Ugotovili smo, da migracije predstavljajo pomembno politično vprašanje, saj so odprle ne samo politični, ampak tudi varnostni in ideološki diskurz združene Evrope, kar predstavlja nove izzive za oblikovanje nadaljnje skupne politike Evropske unije in zagotavljanje njene politične stabilnosti. ; This master thesis examines the factors that caused the European migration crisis in the period 2015-2016 and their impact on the political situation in the European Union. Even though Western Europe had encountered the problem of migration already in the past, the European Union did not develop and adopt a proper common migration policy. The issue of migration became an important political question and a central theme of election campaigns. The purpose of the thesis is to present the impact of the migration issue on voters' decision-making by analysing the national elections in some EU member states and the elections to the European Parliament during the 2015-2019 period. The analysis showed the rise of right-wing populist and nationalist parties that gained the support of the voters mainly by promoting their anti-immigration positions. That trend raised concerns on whether the growth in the power of those political parties could affect the implementation of the common migration policy and the European Union's political future. According to the data gathered, migration profoundly contributes to a country's economic and social development and is therefore among the main pre-election topics. Even though the election results confirmed that right-wing populist and nationalist parties were gaining increasing support, they were still not strong enough to gain power in the European Parliament and consequently change the political future of the European Union. There are different factors that affect the complexity of migration. These factors are presented in the master thesis and help understand the connection between migration issues and the European political situation. It was found that migration is one of the major political issues that has opened not only a political, but also an ideological and security discourse in the European context, which presents new challenges in further developing a common EU policy and ensuring its political stability.
This article examines the condition of Indonesia's Micro, Small and Medium-sized Enterprises (MSMEs) during the COVID-19 pandemic, particularly with respect to carrying out a digital transformation, and whether the COVID-19 pandemic has forced them to accelerate this transformation. This study found that Micro, Small and Medium-sized Enterprises – MSMEs during COVID-19 have been in an unstable state due to the impact of the restrictions imposed by COVID-19related policies. Nevertheless, MSMEs have been supported by the government, academics, and digital media in efforts to revive and accelerate the digital transformation with a view to surviving. The use of social media has helped MSMEs' programmes and services optimise their business performance. Job simplification was introduced to more efficiently create and reach a broader range of consumers by doing promotion, service delivery, accessing media and cooperating with third parties. The speed at which the digital transformation has occurred is reflected in an improvement in MSMEs' entrepreneurial skills and competencies. Keywords: Digital transformation; MSME; Social Media; COVID-19 pandemic
