Suchergebnisse

El presente artículo examina el caso de las reformas al sistema electoral municipal venezolano en el período comprendido entre 1984 y 1995 con la finalidad de comprobar teorías sobre las implicaciones del sistema electoral en el sistema de partidos. Examinamos el efecto de la magnitud de la circunscripción electoral, el umbral de representación y la fórmula electoral en el número efectivo de partidos electorales y legislativos. Se argumenta que las sucesivas reformas generaron expectativas que incentivaron a una mayor participación de los partidos políticos y grupos de electores en las contiendas electorales locales pero que no resultaron en un número significativo de nuevos escaños para éstos, lo que contribuyó a la desconfianza en la institución electoral y a la larga, a deslegitimar aún más a los dos partidos tradicionales. ; This article examines electoral reforms to the Venezuelan municipal electoral system between 1984 y 1995 to confirm theories on the effect of the electoral system on the party system. We examine the effect of district magnitude, electoral threshold and the electoral formula on the effective number of electoral and legislative parties. We affirm that successive reforms generated expectations that encouraged many political parties and electoral groups to compete in local elections, but that those reforms did not result in a significant number of additional seats for them. This contributed to the furtber erosion of public trust in the electoral institution and in the two traditional political parties.

In an unexpected turn of events for many, the year 2021 has still been hit hard by the global COVID-19 pandemic. The situation undoubtedly marks a before and after in the history of humanity, before this the health system with its colossal efforts has tried to keep society afloat, while it faces other consequences beyond the disease Specifically, Mexico and Latin America, due to their particular social, political and geographical characteristics, have been strongly impacted at the health level, but not only that. Society in general has seen effects not only on a physical level, but also on a mental and functional level; the interaction has changed, as well as the way of relating and behaving, so new social problems have arisen or existing ones have become more acute. For this reason, the International Digital Journal of Psychology and Social Science in its second issue of the year 2021, hopes to bring together the voices of those academics who build scientific knowledge of the series of sequels or prequels of various social problems derived from the pandemic. In this sense, all strata of the population have been affected, from children, adolescents and adults, as well as systems that we thought were more robust or stable such as health, education or the work context; The most basic way of relating, such as social, family and environmental interaction, has also been impacted. Therefore, this issue seeks to open a space to those academics interested in contributing from their trenches to the understanding, prevention and treatment of these problems. ; En un giro inesperado de acontecimientos para muchos, el año 2021 se ha visto aun golpeado fuertemente por la pandemia de COVID-19 a nivel global. La situación sin duda alguna marca un antes y un después en la historia de la humanidad, ante esto el sistema de salud con sus colosales esfuerzos ha tratado de mantener a flote la sociedad, mientras que ésta se enfrenta a otras consecuencias más allá de la enfermedad. En concreto, México y América Latina por sus características sociales, políticas y geográficas particulares se ha visto fuertemente impactado a nivel salud, pero no solo eso. La sociedad en general ha visto afectaciones no sólo a nivel físico, sino mental y funcional; la interacción ha cambiado, así como el modo de relacionarse y comportarse, por lo que se presentan nuevos problemas sociales o se han agudizado los ya existentes. Por tal motivo, la Revista Digital Internacional de Psicología y Ciencia Social en su segundo número del año 2021, espera reunir las voces de aquellos académicos que construyen conocimiento científico de la serie de secuelas o precuelas de problemáticas sociales diversas derivadas de la pandemia. En este sentido, todos los estratos de la población se han visto afectados, desde niños, adolescentes y adultos, así como sistemas que pensábamos más robustos o estables como la salud, la educación o el contexto laboral; también se ha visto impactada la manera más básica de relacionarse como la interacción social, familiar y ambiental. Por lo que el presente número busca abrir un espacio a aquellos académicos interesados en contribuir desde su trinchera a la comprensión, prevención y tratamiento de dichas problemáticas.

The aim of the paper was to analyse the current level of Euroscepticism in the European Union, to identify the current challenges populist parties face in the Euroscepticism realities and promotion. The main method of research was the observation method, which, together with the comparative method, revealed the selected issues of the paper. The conducted research has shown that the rise of populist parties primarily reflects a response to a wide range of rapid cultural changes undermining the core values and practices of Western societies. At the same time, the pandemic and changes in public consciousness have led to a decline in the activity of political parties and the introduction of Eurosceptic ideas per se. As part of the research, we have argued that the deepening of European integration is not perceived positively by member states as well, given the unnatural order of legal relations in the union. The findings will also require comparison with the results of the forthcoming EU elections, which has been identified as a roadmap for further author's research.

Purpose: The paper aims to study the role of local institutions in the establishment of fast-food outlets in urban districts of Peru. In most urban districts, there are no fast-food outlets. The authors, therefore, study the effect of institutional quality on the presence or absence of these outlets and the number of outlets if these are present. Design/methodology/approach: The theoretical framework in which this paper is based on is the theory of agglomeration, which establishes that firms benefit from being close to each other. In particular, the paper builds on a model of market entry and competition in geographically independent local markets. An explicit expression was found for the equilibrium number of outlets (including zero) as a function of exogenous determinants of the demand for fast-food in each market, available infrastructure and institutional quality of the district's government. Principal component analysis was used to construct measures of institutional quality based on administrative and organizational characteristics of district's municipalities. These measures were incorporated as explanatory variables in a zero-inflated Poisson model, which is appropriate to handle count data and to accommodate excess zeros and which also allows the specification of different models for the zero part and the positive part. Findings: Institutional quality mainly affects the presence of fast-food outlets in a district. The quality of urban development management and use of information systems are relevant. An institutional variable particularly relevant in explaining the number of outlets is the presence of an investment programming office in the municipality. The authors confirm the general hypothesis of the paper: institutions have a role in explaining both the presence and number of fast-food outlets in a district. Overall, the results of this paper suggest that institutional quality of a municipal district is related to better infrastructure, which lowers the costs of establishing outlets. Research limitations/implications: Limitations in the availability of data at the regional and urban district level did not allow the authors to analyze other factors that affect entry decisions in the fast-food industry in Peru, such as controls to prevent corruption, legal uncertainty or crime. Another limitation was the lack of data on entry costs for each franchisee in each urban district. This forced the authors to use public infrastructure characteristics of the district as (imperfect) proxies of the entry costs. Practical implications: The instruments of urban development management and information systems can be effective at attracting investment to a district. These tools operate partly through an indirect effect, namely, the improvement of district infrastructure, which is necessary to reduce the costs of establishing companies. There is also synergy between national government's programs to attract investment and the good institutional quality in local governments. On the contrary, poor local institutions can be an obstacle to the successful implementation of those national programs. Social implications: Foreign direct investment has a positive impact on the economic development of a country through knowledge spillovers. Therefore, any administrative reform to make local government practices more efficient can have an indirect impact on development. Originality/value: Principal component analysis is a statistical tool that can be important in building good measures of institutional quality by allowing the combination of different observable characteristics into one component that can be interpreted as an operational restriction. The count model allows the use of the primary, easily observable, dependent variable, namely, the number of outlets. Finally, the two-part model makes it possible to discern the effect of institutional quality on the presence or absence of outlets and the number of outlets if these are present. © 2017, © Emerald Publishing Limited. ; Versión aceptada ; Producción Científica de la Universidad de Panamericana

The aim of the study was to analyses the system of police performance and determine the role of the indicator that shows the number of detected criminal offenses in this system. A comprehensive study of the chosen topic was realized through empirical and theoretical methods, as well as the comparative analysis. It is determined that the components of the system of police performance indicators include the level of public trust in the police as a fundamental indicator that reflects the real state of crime and security in the country; the level of detection of criminal offenses; crime rate and public safety; citizens-police interaction rate; response time to offenses. It was found that the ratio of detected and solved crimes for the reporting period allows reflecting the police performance in the fight against crime, identifying the main problems of organizational, personnel, material, technical and legal nature of their activities. The evaluation of the effectiveness of policing through the prism of detected criminal offenses provides for further research and justification in order to determine effective legal tools for its regulation.

The essay analyses the procedure that leads to the approval of the constitutional law n. 1 of 2020 related to the reduction of the number of Italian parliamentarians: from 630 deputies to 400 and from 315 senators to 200. The process for the approval of the law was particularly troubled, particularly due to the change of both the Government in charge and the political majority, with some parties that in the first ballots voted against and in the following ones in favor. In the last vote, the text was almost unanimously approved. However, a minority of senators requested the constitutional referendum, which took place, despite the postponement caused by the pandemic, in September 2020. It was the fourth constitutional referendum in Italy. Its results are analysed in the paper, also in the light of the three previous referendums called in Italy. The topic deserves a great attention because it highlights how, after the attempts to reform the Constitution that took place in 2006 (by the center-right majority) and in 2016 (by the left majority), both rejected by the electoral body in referendums, this reform reopens, in a certain way, the path of constitutional reforms. However, this reform has a strong anti-parliamentary and populist impact. ; El trabajo analiza el procedimiento de aprobación de la Ley constitucional núm. 1 de 2020, con la que se ha reducido el número de miembros del Parlamento italiano: de 630 diputados se ha pasado a 400 y de 315 senadores a 200. El iter procedimental de esta reforma ha sido particularmente difícil, teniendo en cuenta los cambios en el Gobierno y en la mayoría política acontecidos durante el mismo, así como la transformación de la posición política de algunos partidos, que en las primeras votaciones habían expresado su oposición a la modificación. La propuesta fue aprobada, en la última votación, por casi la unanimidad del Parlamento. Sin embargo, una minoría de senadores solicitó el referéndum confirmatorio, que tuvo lugar en septiembre de 2020, tras el aplazamiento provocado por la pandemia. En concreto, el artículo examina los datos de este último referéndum constitucional —el cuarto de Italia— a la luz de los resultados de los tres anteriores. Tras los intentos de reforma constitucional que tuvieron lugar en 2006 (con el apoyo de la mayoría de centroderecha) y en 2016 (con el respaldo del centroizquierda), ambos rechazados por el cuerpo electoral en los correspondientes referendos, el análisis histórico merece el interés de presentar esta última consulta como una forma de reabrir, en cierto sentido, el camino de las reformas constitucionales, aprovechando un tema que presenta un marcado carácter antiparlamentario y populista.

In this paper, we examine the problem of building a user profile from a set of documents. This profile will consist of a subset of the most representative terms in the documents that best represent user preferences or interests. Inspired by the discrete concentration theory we have conducted an axiomatic study of seven properties that a selection function should fulfill: the minimum and maximum uncertainty principle, invariant to adding zeros, invariant to scale transformations, principle of nominal increase, transfer principle and the richest get richer inequality. We also present a novel selection function based on the use of similarity metrics, and more specifically the cosine measure which is commonly used in information retrieval, and demonstrate that this verifies six of the properties in addition to a weaker variant of the transfer principle, thereby representing a good election approach. The theoretical study was complemented with an empirical study to compare the performance of different selection criteria (weight- and unweight-based) using real data in a parliamentary setting. In this study, we analyze the performance of the different functions focusing on the two main factors affecting the selection process: profile size (number of terms) and weight distribution. These profiles are then used in a document filtering task to show that our similarity-based approach performs well in terms not only of recommendation accuracy but also efficiency (we obtain smaller profiles and consequently faster recommendations). ; This work has been funded by the Spanish Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad under projects TIN2013-42741-P and TIN2016-77902-C3-2-P, and the European Regional Development Fund ( ERDF-FEDER ).

ABSTRACT This study departs from the problem of financial assistance policy to political parties in the province of West Java according to the theory of Grindle et al. While the Policy Context consists of the power, interests, and strategies of the actors, compliance, and response of implementers, institutions, and characteristics of the regime that are still not running optimally. The program and policy (content) and policy context are important factors in determining the success or failure of the Implementation of the Use of Financial Aid for DPD PDIP Political Parties and DPD Gerindra Party in West Java Province. RESUMEN Este estudio parte del problema de la política de asistencia financiera a los partidos políticos en la provincia de Java Occidental según la teoría de Grindle et al. Si bien el Contexto de Política consiste en el poder, los intereses y las estrategias de los actores, el cumplimiento y la respuesta de los implementadores, las instituciones y las características del régimen que aún no están funcionando de manera óptima. el programa y la política (contenido) y el contexto de la política son factores importantes para determinar el éxito o el fracaso de la implementación del uso de ayuda financiera para los partidos políticos DPD PDIP y el partido DPD Gerindra en la provincia de Java Occidental.

Enmarcada en los estudios sobre la vertiente sociopolítica de la transnacionalidad, esta investigación analiza dos organizaciones políticas diseñadas exógenamente (promovidas y coordinadas desde un ámbito y espacio supralocal o supranacional), inspiradas por la existencia de residentes extranjeros en varios municipios españoles, en este caso de nacionalidad rumana. Los datos proceden de la investigación documental, análisis estadístico de candidaturas y resultados electorales, y de entrevistas en profundidad a representantes de dichos partidos. El trabajo concluye que la presencia de un colectivo elevado de residentes extranjeros no son, per se, indicadores de potencial electoral; a no ser que medien los elementos motivadores de movilización. El argumento electoral de compartir la misma nacionalidad de origen no parece suficiente, aun cuando el programa político intente ser trasversal, evitando posiciones ideológicas y recurriendo a elementos genéricos como son la cultura común y su defensa, y la posibilidad de ayudar a regenerar la política y la democracia en el país de origen. Existen contradicciones importantes como son el enfoque supralocal y nacional en elecciones de lógica local, o la desconfianza previa de los electores potenciales en partidos rumanos sobre la base de la experiencia en su país de origen. ; Based on the studies on the socio-political aspect of transnationality, this research analyzes two exogenously designed political organizations (promoted and coordinated from a supralocal or supra-national scope and space), inspired by the existence of foreign residents in several Spanish municipalities, in this case Romanian nationality. The data come from documental research, statistical analysis of candidacies and electoral results, and from in-depth interviews with representatives of these parties. The paper concludes that the presence of a large group of foreign residents is not, per se, indicators of electoral potential; unless the motivating elements of mobilization are mediated. The electoral argument of sharing the same nationality of origin does not seem enough, even if the political program tries to be transversal, avoiding ideological positions and appealing to generic elements such as common culture and its defense, and the possibility of helping to regenerate politics and democracy in the country of origin. There are important contradictions such as the supralocal and national approach in local logic elections, or the previous distrust of potential voters in Romanian parties based on experience in their country of origin.

Based on the studies on the socio-political aspect of transnationality, this research analyzes two exogenously designed political organizations (promoted and coordinated from a supralocal or supra-national scope and space), inspired by the existence of foreign residents in several Spanish municipalities, in this case Romanian nationality. The data come from documental research, statistical analysis of candidacies and electoral results, and from in-depth interviews with representatives of these parties. The paper concludes that the presence of a large group of foreign residents is not, per se, indicators of electoral potential; unless the motivating elements of mobilization are mediated. The electoral argument of sharing the same nationality of origin does not seem enough, even if the political program tries to be transversal, avoiding ideological positions and appealing to generic elements such as common culture and its defense, and the possibility of helping to regenerate politics and democracy in the country of origin. There are important contradictions such as the supralocal and national approach in local logic elections, or the previous distrust of potential voters in Romanian parties based on experience in their country of origin. ; Enmarcada en los estudios sobre la vertiente sociopolítica de la transnacionalidad, esta investigación analiza dos organizaciones políticas diseñadas exógenamente (promovidas y coordinadas desde un ámbito y espacio supralocal o supranacional), inspiradas por la existencia de residentes extranjeros en varios municipios españoles, en este caso de nacionalidad rumana. Los datos proceden de la investigación documental, análisis estadístico de candidaturas y resultados electorales, y de entrevistas en profundidad a representantes de dichos partidos. El trabajo concluye que la presencia de un colectivo elevado de residentes extranjeros no son, per se, indicadores de potencial electoral; a no ser que medien los elementos motivadores de movilización. El argumento electoral de compartir la misma nacionalidad de origen no parece suficiente, aun cuando el programa político intente ser trasversal, evitando posiciones ideológicas y recurriendo a elementos genéricos como son la cultura común y su defensa, y la posibilidad de ayudar a regenerar la política y la democracia en el país de origen. Existen contradicciones importantes como son el enfoque supralocal y nacional en elecciones de lógica local, o la desconfianza previa de los electores potenciales en partidos rumanos sobre la base de la experiencia en su país de origen.

Studies of electoral law consequences typically accept that the number of parties running in a district decreases (increases) as district magnitude decreases (increases). This impact rests on a key behavioral assumption: parties respond to the seats to be filled in each district (as if they were) in isolation. In this paper I demonstrate that this assumption does not hold due to the incentives for the nationalization of parties and party systems. Therefore, the role of district magnitude in determining the number of parties in an electoral system is not as decisive as the conventional wisdom assumes. Adapted from the source document.

Las regatas de traineras son competiciones deportivas entre embarcaciones de 12 metros de eslora, que durante el siglo XIX estaban dedicadas a la pesca, y que competían dentro de un ambiente festivo en las principales localidades del norte de España. Durante la primera mitad del siglo XX fueron evolucionando hacia un evento deportivo, compitiendo para obtener la bandera de la localidad organizadora. Con el paso del tiempo y la mejora en el transporte los equipos viajaban a otras localidades más alejadas, creciendo el interés por estos enfrentamientos tradicionales. El número de competiciones fue elevándose, pero hasta la publicación de este artículo no se había determinado cuando se produjo este crecimiento. Para conocer cómo ha evolucionado el número de estas competiciones se han introducido todas las regatas de la historia en una base de datos, para constatar que hubo un aumento sustancial en los años 1970, cuando varias localidades afianzaron sus competiciones. También se ha observado un crecimiento en las regatas de traineras en los últimos 10 años debido a la presencia de competiciones en categoría femenina y veterana. Este aumento constante desde hace 50 años ha sido debido principalmente a la creación de clubes de remo en toda la franja Cantábrica, desde finales de los años 1960. Estas instituciones se han fundado casi exclusivamente en las provincias de La Coruña, Pontevedra, Cantabria, Vizcaya y Guipúzcoa, regiones donde se celebran la mayoría de las competiciones de esta especialidad. AbstractI Trainera races are sports competitions held in northern Spain between boats made up of thirteen rowers and a skipper. Since the middle of the 19th century, the trainera were mainly used for fishing, and only competed in the festivals of their home towns, or those bordering them, with the aim of obtaining the economic prize and the flag of the organizing town. During the first half of the 20th century these competitions evolved into a sporting event, and their rowers, who had traditionally been fishermen, were replaced by members of sporting societies. The better structuring of the races, the political support, the increase in prizes, the improvement in transport and the strong identity of the local coastal communities led to an increase in interest in these traditional competitions. The number of competitions was increasing, but until the publication of this article it had not been determined when this growth occurred. In order to know how the number of these competitions has evolved, all the races in history have been entered into a database, to confirm that there was a increase in the 1970s, when several localities consolidated their competitions. There has also been an increase in the number of rowing boat races in the last 10 years due to the presence of competitions in the female and veteran categories. This constant increase over the last 50 years has been mainly due to the creation of rowing clubs throughout the Cantabrian strip since the late 1960s. These institutions have been founded almost exclusively in the provinces of La Coruña, Pontevedra, Cantabria, Vizcaya and Guipúzcoa, regions where most of the competitions in this specialty are held.

Resumen: Aunque sujeta a cambios relativamente frecuentes, alguno muy reciente, la legislación sobre financiación de partidos políticos sigue en España un modelo claramente asentado en las contribuciones públicas, que reciben los partidos en función de varios conceptos y por parte de diversas instituciones, hasta el punto de convertirse en su principal fuente de recursos, sin que, más allá del ámbito electoral, sus gastos sean objeto de límites o incluso de prohibiciones. Sin que quepa imputar este hecho a unas previsiones legales que han tendido a hacerse cada vez más restrictivas, la financiación que reciben por otras vías es mucho menor, tanto en forma de donaciones (legales) como por las cuotas o aportaciones de sus miembros, en un desequilibrio que tiene importantes consecuencias para definir su posición en el sistema político. Se cierra ese modelo con un sistema de control que reposa básicamente en la atribución al Tribunal de Cuentas de la fiscalización de la contabilidad anual y electoral de los partidos, sin que hasta las últimas reformas se haya prestado especial atención a la necesaria transparencia e incluso a la correcta articulación de las sanciones por la infracción de las normas en la materia. Palabras clave: Partidos políticos; subvenciones a partidos políticos; gastos electorales; donaciones a partidos; control de la financiación de partidos y Tribunal de Cuentas; corrupción. Abstract: Although subjected to relatively frequent changes, some very recent, legislation on political parties funding, follow in Spain a model clearly based on public contributions, based on several concepts and from various institutions, to the extent of becoming their main source of income, without their expenses being subjected to limits or prohibitions, beyond the electoral arena. Not being possible to attribute this fact to current legal provisions, which have tended to be increasingly more restrictive, the funding received from other sources is much lower, both in the form of (legal) grants, or from member fees and contributions, creating an imbalance that has important consequences on the definition of their position in the political arena. This model is completed with a control system based on the conferral to the Court of Auditors of powers to audit the annual and electoral parties accounting books, but it has been only until the recent reforms that special attention has been paid to the necessary transparency or even to the correct regulation of sanctions for violation of the rules on the matter.Keywords: Political parties; direct and indirect public funding; election expenses; donations; public monitoring of political finance and Court of Auditors; corruption.doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/eunomia.2016.3287

La Concertación de Partidos por la Democracia es la coalición política más exitosa que ha existido en Chile. La Concertación ha ganado las cuatro elecciones presidenciales que han tenido lugar desde 1990, cuando se recuperó la democracia, hasta el presente. También ha ganado las cinco elecciones parlamentarias y las cuatro municipales. Pero más importante que el triunfo electoral son las transformaciones que esta coalición ha logrado para Chile. ; The Coalition of Parties for Democracy is the most successful political coalition that has existed in Chile. The Agreement has won the past four presidential elections that were held in 1990, when democracy was recovered up to the present. Also, the political agreement has won the five last parliamentary elections and the four local elections. But more important than this electoral triumph is the changes that this coalition has brought to Chile.