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Demonstrates that the type, volume, and control of capital inflows decisively influence the relative development of the bureaucracy's extractive, distributive, and regulatory capacities and affect the ability of the state to respond to economic crisis. (Abstract amended)

How can the interests of extractive industries and indigenous communities in the Arctic be balanced through benefit sharing policies? This paper analyses how the international oil consortia of Sakhalin Energy and Exxon Neftegaz Limited (ENL) on Sakhalin Island in Russia have introduced benefit sharing through tripartite partnerships. We demonstrate that the procedural and distributional equity of benefit sharing depend on corporate policies, global standards, pressure from international financial institutions, and local social movements connected in a governance generating network. Sakhalin Energy was profoundly influenced by international financial institutions' global rules related to environmental and indigenous people's interests. The benefit sharing arrangement that evolved under these influences resulted in enhanced procedural equity for indigenous people, but has not prevented conflict with and within communities. In contrast, ENL was not significantly influenced by international financial institutions. Its more flexible and limited benefit sharing arrangement was shaped predominantly by global corporate policies, pressure from the regional government and the influence of Sakhalin Energy's model. The paper closes with policy recommendations on benefit sharing arrangements between extractive industries and indigenous communities across Arctic states that could be further developed by the Arctic Council Sustainable Development Working Group.

In April 2013, The School of Public Policy formally launched the Extractive Resource Governance Program, a platform to harness Canadian and international research and technical expertise to assist resource-rich jurisdictions in establishing sustainable and mutually beneficial policies for governance of the extractive sector. The program delivers applied policy research, technical assistance and executive training programs to countries with emerging or established extractive resources, working in collaboration with governments, regulatory bodies, academia, civil society, and industry. Begun in 2011 as an internal research tool for the development of the Extractive Resource Governance Program, this project was conceived as a means to identify jurisdictions where Canadian companies had ongoing projects and activities around the world. This paper introduces the methodology used to answer the question: Where in the world are Canadian oil and gas companies? To answer this question, firm-level data from publicly traded Canadian companies were collected and analyzed culminating in the development of an online tool for public use. This paper accompanies an interactive website launched by The School's Extractive Resource Governance Program and describes the data available online as well as in the annual reports released by The school. The website and annual reports allow interested users to geographically locate jurisdictions around the world where publicly traded Canadian oil and gas companies have activities, over time. The website is available at http://www.policyschool.ca/research-teaching/teachingtraining/extractive-resource-governance/ergp-map/. While Canada is a well-recognized oil and gas jurisdiction within its own borders, the extent of activity that Canadian companies undertake in the international arenais less well known. For instance, while Natural Resources Canada collects and publishes regular data on Canadian mining assets and activities abroad, it does not do so for the oil and gas sector. Statistics Canada collects information about Canadian direct investment abroad (CDIA)1 in the energy sector, but for the purpose of answering the question posed in this paper, these numbers can be somewhat misleading, as CDIA data solely tracks the first destination of Canadian investment rather than the final destination of investment (which can often be different).2 Frequently, oil and gas companies (like others) use international financial centres to conduct their business operations as part of their global value chain. This can prove problematic when seeking to identify sector-specific data on the final destination of investment. For instance, one of the challenges in using CDIA statistics is the existence of so-called tax-haven countries such as Barbados and the Cayman Islands. Tax-haven countries are low-tax jurisdictions that serve as conduits to the global economy.3 While the capital investment of a Canadian company can initially arrive in a tax-haven country, frequently the investment is ultimately bound for a third-market destination, for instance one in Latin America or the United States.3 The use of tax-haven countries as conduits in financing outbound investments distorts CDIA statistics, making it difficult to use these data to determine the presence of Canadian oil and gas companies around the globe. This paper provides a comprehensive overview of the methodology used in the collection of data for the Where in the World (hereafter WIW) project. It begins by presenting the definition of a Canadian oil and gas company (O&G) within the context of the WIW project, followed by a description of the types of O&G companies considered in the analysis. It also provides a description of the data sources used in the extraction of financial and operating statistics, and outlines the various types of data used to determine the scope of O&G activities of Canadians companies abroad.

Canada is well recognized for its prominence as an oil and gas jurisdiction in regard to its resources within its own borders. However, there is little available analysis and information regarding the presence of Canadian companies in the international arena. Begun in 2011 as an internal research tool for the development of the Extractive Resource Governance Program, this project seeks to answer the vital question: Where in the world are Canadian oil and gas companies? To answer this question, firm-level data from publicly traded Canadian companies are collected and analyzed, culminating in the development of an online tool for public use. This map allows interested users to geographically locate jurisdictions around the world where publicly traded Canadian oil and gas (hereafter O&G) companies have activities, over time. The map is available at http://www.policyschool.ca/ research-teaching/teaching-training/extractive-resource-governance/ergp-map/. This project, hereafter referred to as the WIW project, provides a measure that quantifies Canadian oil and gas activity around the world and identifies key jurisdictions that are of particular interest to Canadian O&G companies. The data collected holds value for various stakeholders such as governments, regulatory bodies, academia, civil society, and industry across the extractive resource spectrum. Prior to further discussion regarding the 2011 annual data results, it is valuable to provide a brief overview of the methodology used in the collection of data for this research project. The WIW project examines the global activities of Canadian O&G companies in 218 countries spanning seven international regions of analysis.1 The aim of the WIW project is to examine the international presence of Canadian companies in foreign countries. As such, it is important to note that this project does not provide information related to the activities of Canadian companies within Canada's border, such as the number of active companies or levels of production. The focus of this project is on two types of Canadian O&G companies, namely exploration and production (E&P) companies and service companies. For the purposes of the WIW project, an O&G company is defined to be "Canadian" if it meets two selection criteria: (i) the company must have its headquarters (or head office)2 in Canada; and (ii) the company must be publicly traded on a Canadian exchange.3 Companies must fulfill both selection criteria simultaneously to be considered a Canadian O&G company, and thus be included in the findings of this project. This report, the first in a series, provides an extensive account of annual data collected in the WIW project for the 2011 year of study. It begins with an overview of the international activities of Canadian E&P companies, presenting the level of activities in a regional context, as well as on a country basis. The report then continues by providing the same analysis for Canadian O&G service companies.

We consider the different types of rent-seeking practices in emerging oil economies, and discuss how they contribute to social conflict and a local resource curse in the Albertine Graben region of Uganda. The rent-seeking activities have contributed to speculative behavior, competition for limited social services, land grabbing, land scarcity, land fragmentation, food insecurity, corruption, and ethnic polarization. Local people have interpreted the experience of the consequent social impacts as a local resource curse. The impacts have led to social conflicts among the affected communities. Our research used a range of methods, including 40 in-depth interviews, focus group discussions, participant observation, and document analysis. We argue there is an urgent need by all stakeholdersincluding local and central governments, oil companies, local communities, and civil society organizationsto address the challenges before the construction of oil infrastructure. Stakeholders must work hard to create the conditions that are needed to avoid the resource curse; otherwise, Uganda could end up suffering from the Dutch Disease and Nigerian Disease, as has befallen other African countries.

How can the interests of extractive industries and indigenous communities in the Arctic be balanced through benefit sharing policies? This paper analyses how the international oil consortia of Sakhalin Energy and Exxon Neftegaz Limited (ENL) on Sakhalin Island in Russia have introduced benefit sharing through tripartite partnerships. We demonstrate that the procedural and distributional equity of benefit sharing depend on corporate policies, global standards, pressure from international financial institutions, and local social movements connected in a governance generating network. Sakhalin Energy was profoundly influenced by international financial institutions' global rules related to environmental and indigenous people's interests. The benefit sharing arrangement that evolved under these influences resulted in enhanced procedural equity for indigenous people, but has not prevented conflict with and within communities. In contrast, ENL was not significantly influenced by international financial institutions. Its more flexible and limited benefit sharing arrangement was shaped predominantly by global corporate policies, pressure from the regional government and the influence of Sakhalin Energy's model. The paper closes with policy recommendations on benefit sharing arrangements between extractive industries and indigenous communities across Arctic states that could be further developed by the Arctic Council Sustainable Development Working Group.

This book examines the relationship between foreign companies and government within the Indonesian oil industry. It is concerned in particular to identify those factors which determine the balance between central regulation and untrammelled company activity, in order to evaluate the choices which the government has to make in the creation of its policies. Given the extent of foreign investment in the mineral extractive industries of many of the less-developed countries, such policies are of major importance. From his study of the operation of Indonesian oil contracts, Dr Khong concludes that the formal terms of an agreement may well give a misleading impression of the actual allocation of the benefits from petroleum extraction. The common perception that a basic shift in favour of host governments has occurred is shown to be largely misplaced, whatever relative advances they may have achieved

International audience ; France has a long history in mining and, to a lesser extent, in hydrocarbon extraction, but these industries were both in decline by the end of the 20 th century. Following the American shale boom in the 2000's, there was a sudden renewal of hydrocarbon exploration in 2010 with new exploration licenses being delivered for unconventional oil and gas projects. These projects first remained confined to specialists of such industries until the end of 2010, when a massive social movement opposed shale gas exploration. This paper aims at drawing a picture of this social movement and its narrative work to obtain the ban on hydraulic fracturing by the French government in 2011. We show that i) public and political perceptions of unconventional gas in general were built mostly during the sudden burst of mobilization in late 2010, with the opponent's narratives encountering almost no resistance, ii) previous knowledge and experience with extractive industries in some areas of France facilitates social license there, but it does not guarantee the development of the industry, iii) the controversy about hydraulic fracturing participated to shape negative perception about extractive industries in France in general, including ore mining.

International audience ; France has a long history in mining and, to a lesser extent, in hydrocarbon extraction, but these industries were both in decline by the end of the 20 th century. Following the American shale boom in the 2000's, there was a sudden renewal of hydrocarbon exploration in 2010 with new exploration licenses being delivered for unconventional oil and gas projects. These projects first remained confined to specialists of such industries until the end of 2010, when a massive social movement opposed shale gas exploration. This paper aims at drawing a picture of this social movement and its narrative work to obtain the ban on hydraulic fracturing by the French government in 2011. We show that i) public and political perceptions of unconventional gas in general were built mostly during the sudden burst of mobilization in late 2010, with the opponent's narratives encountering almost no resistance, ii) previous knowledge and experience with extractive industries in some areas of France facilitates social license there, but it does not guarantee the development of the industry, iii) the controversy about hydraulic fracturing participated to shape negative perception about extractive industries in France in general, including ore mining.

International audience ; France has a long history in mining and, to a lesser extent, in hydrocarbon extraction, but these industries were both in decline by the end of the 20 th century. Following the American shale boom in the 2000's, there was a sudden renewal of hydrocarbon exploration in 2010 with new exploration licenses being delivered for unconventional oil and gas projects. These projects first remained confined to specialists of such industries until the end of 2010, when a massive social movement opposed shale gas exploration. This paper aims at drawing a picture of this social movement and its narrative work to obtain the ban on hydraulic fracturing by the French government in 2011. We show that i) public and political perceptions of unconventional gas in general were built mostly during the sudden burst of mobilization in late 2010, with the opponent's narratives encountering almost no resistance, ii) previous knowledge and experience with extractive industries in some areas of France facilitates social license there, but it does not guarantee the development of the industry, iii) the controversy about hydraulic fracturing participated to shape negative perception about extractive industries in France in general, including ore mining.

International audience ; France has a long history in mining and, to a lesser extent, in hydrocarbon extraction, but these industries were both in decline by the end of the 20 th century. Following the American shale boom in the 2000's, there was a sudden renewal of hydrocarbon exploration in 2010 with new exploration licenses being delivered for unconventional oil and gas projects. These projects first remained confined to specialists of such industries until the end of 2010, when a massive social movement opposed shale gas exploration. This paper aims at drawing a picture of this social movement and its narrative work to obtain the ban on hydraulic fracturing by the French government in 2011. We show that i) public and political perceptions of unconventional gas in general were built mostly during the sudden burst of mobilization in late 2010, with the opponent's narratives encountering almost no resistance, ii) previous knowledge and experience with extractive industries in some areas of France facilitates social license there, but it does not guarantee the development of the industry, iii) the controversy about hydraulic fracturing participated to shape negative perception about extractive industries in France in general, including ore mining.