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Following the recent call to 'put the ocean's agitation and historicity back onto our mental maps and into the study of literature' (Yaeger 2010), this article addresses the histories and cultures of marine energy extraction in modern Scottish literature. The burgeoning discipline of the Energy Humanities has recently turned its attentions towards Scottish literature as a valuable area of study when contemplating the relationships between energy and cultural production. Most recently, scholars have focused their analysis on the histories of North Sea oil and gas production and have worked to juxtapose the long histories of land clearance in the Highlands and islands alongside contemporary narratives of exile and exploitation experienced by Scotland's coastal oil communities. The forms of spatial injustice incurred through the recent histories of what Derek Gladwin terms 'Oil Clearance' (Gladwin 2017) or Graeme Macdonald identifies as 'petro-marginalisation' (Macdonald 2015), is often solely registered through terrestrial environments. This article urges the adoption of an oceanic perspective, one which registers how the extractive politics of modern petroculture in Scotland not only presents major challenges for terrestrial environments and communities, but holds specific ramifications for the ways in which we currently imagine and interact with oceanic space. Indeed, as Macdonald has noted, the North Sea is in many ways 'wholly regarded as a productive environment of marine capitalism synonymous with oil' (2015). What does it mean to read the ocean through oil? By adopting an oceanic perspective, this article considers the ways in which the exploitative dynamics of offshore petroculture in the 1970s coincides with an incredibly damaging and problematic cultural construction of the ocean. But as Scotland moves towards a new era of low-carbon energy production, how might this construction of the ocean change? The closing half of this article considers the ways in which the extractivist histories and spatial injustices of petroculture are resisted through contemporary poetic engagements with new marine-based energy technologies, namely, wave and tidal power. In examining a range of work from artists and poets such as Alec Finlay, Laura Watts, Lila Matsumoto and Hannah Imlach, this article further argues that the recent turn towards marine renewables not only signals a new future for a low-carbon Scotland, but that the advent of renewable technologies provides contemporary poets with new materials through which to imagine alternative models of community, power, and relation in an era of environmental change.

Idiomatic English expressions such as "oil and water don't mix" or "like oil and water" – to describe a profound incompatibility – take on a specific political meaning in the context of water rights and Indigenous opposition to the extractive oil industry. Most recently, opposition to the Dakota Access Pipeline (the #NoDAPL movement, which started in 2016) highlights the threat to clean water supplies to the Standing Rock Sioux Indian Reservation. Originally planned to run further north, near the city of Bismarck, North Dakota and thus avoiding the reservation, the pipeline route was changed because of the risk of toxic crude-oil leakage into the city's water supply. This redirection – and the transfer of risk from US to Sioux communities – has been termed "environmental racism" and an expression of "environmental colonialism" by activists, to which is added the charge of cultural genocide because construction of the pipeline desecrates tribal burial grounds and has destroyed other sites of sacred and archeological value. NoDAPL protesters emphasize that while the environmental threat posed by the pipeline impacts the Sioux Nation most immediately, it is not restricted to the Standing Rock Reservation but affects the quality of water supplies to all communities downstream of the point where the pipeline crosses the Missouri River. The powerful public response to the NoDAPL movement – by Indigenous activists and non-Indigenous allies – was provoked in important ways by the mobilization of social media specifically and digital media more generally. Evoking the title of the United Nations International Decade for Action (2005-2015) – "Water for Life" – activists gathered, physically at Standing Rock and virtually through online platforms, under the slogan "Mni Wichoni" – "Water is Life" – to protest environmental destruction, the erasure of Sioux tribal sovereignty (Sioux jurisdiction over the Missouri River and its shorelines as defined by the 1851 Treaty of Fort Laramie, affirmed by the US Supreme Court in 1904) by the US Army Corps of Engineers, and also the global threat to water posed by extractive industries. A significant recent deployment of digital media to raise public consciousness of such urgent environmental issues is Anishinaabe/Métis artist Elizabeth LaPensée's Open Access video-game Thunderbird Strike (2017), which has been condemned by Republican Minnesota State Senator David Osmek as "an eco-terrorist version of Angry Birds." The game uses interactive digital narrative to perform Indigenous concepts of environmental care-taking and social justice, concepts that motivate ethical action – if only within the virtual diegetic environment of the game-world. This presentation engages the notion of "aesthetic activism," in the context of "social impact" video-games, by exposing the primary narrative strategies by which the player is positioned in the virtual role of "eco-terrorist" or Water Protector. By rehearsing a restorative Indigenous relation to the environment and other-than-human nature, based on the values of respect, reciprocity, and preservation, Thunderbird Strike proposes an alternative to exploitative, colonialist, and literally toxic valuations of environment.

Abstract : African countries endowed with natural resources, especially oil have seen violent conflicts due to poor management of the natural resources. Violent conflicts largely where local communities have been systematically excluded from decision-making processes and when the economic benefits are concentrated in the hands of a few thereby causing economic disequilibrium in the society. Misuse of the natural resources has frequently been cited as the main factor that activates, increase or support violent conflicts around the world. When the key stakeholders disagree on the management, distribution and protection of natural resources and related bionetworks. Natural resource conflicts arise when parties disagree about the management, distribution and protection of natural resources and related ecosystems. These conflicts can heighten into brutal relations and violence when the parties are incapable or reluctant to engage in a positive process of dialogue and conflict resolution. While there are many issues associated with extractive industries, the role of natural resources in triggering, escalating or sustaining violent conflict is the focus of this survey and consequently offer relevant in reducing these conflicts so that the natural resources found in Turkana County can truly be a blessing and a catalyst for poverty reduction in Turkana County. Conflict turns out to be difficult once societal mechanisms and institutions for handling and determining conflict break down, giving way to violence. Societies with weak institutions, fragile political systems and divisive social relations can be drawn into cycles of conflict and violence. Preventing this negative spiral and ensuring the peaceful resolution of disputes is a core interest of the international community. The general objective of the survey was to offer strategies in reducing conflicts associated with extractive industries. The methodology used in this survey was both qualitative and quantitative. The research design employed was descriptive survey ...

The consequences of foreign direct investment (FDI) for human rights protection are poorly understood. We propose that the impact of FDI varies across industries. In particular, extractive firms in the oil and mining industries go where the resources are located and are bound to such investment, which creates a status quo bias among them when it comes to supporting repressive rulers ("location-bound effect"). The same is not true for non-extractive MNCs in manufacturing or services, which can, in comparison, exit problematic countries more easily. We also propose that strong democratic institutions can alleviate negative impacts of extractive FDI on human rights ("democratic safeguard effect"). Using US FDI broken up into extractive and non-extractive industries in 157 host countries (1999-2015), we find support for these propositions. Extractive FDI is associated with more human rights abuse, but non-extractive FDI is associated with less abuse, after controlling for other factors, including concerns about endogeneity. We find also that the negative human rights impact of extractive FDI vanishes in countries where democratic institutions are stronger. Our results are robust to a range of alternative estimation techniques.

Governing in the extractive industries : an introduction / Lori Leonard and Siba N. Grovogui -- Tendencies in tension : resource governance and social contradictions in contemporary Bolivia / Tom Perreault -- Mining, criminalization, and the right to protest : everyday constructions of the post-neoliberal Ecuadorian state / Emily Billo -- Preserving illusions : the rule of law and legitimacy under the Chad Pipeline Project / Siba N. Grovogui -- "We own this oil" : artisanal refineries, extractive industries and the politics of oil in Nigeria / Omolade Adunbi -- Converting threats to power : methane extraction in Lake Kivu, Rwanda / Kristin Doughty -- Politics in the public sphere : ENGOs and oil companies in the international climate negotiations, 1987-2001 / Simone Pulver -- Preventing the resource curse : ethnographic notes on an economic experiment / Gisa Weszkalnys -- Illness, compensation, and claims for justice : lessons from the Choropampa mercury spill / Fabiana Li -- Wars of words : experts, oil, and environmental governance in Chad / Lori Leonard -- Post-script : mapping neo-extractive frontiers across Africa and Latin America / Brenda Chalfin

1. Introduction and overview / Philip Daniel. [et al.] -- 2. International corporate taxation and the extractive industries : principles, practice, problems / Michael Keen and Peter Mullins -- 3. An overview of tranfer pricing in extractive industries / Stephen E. Shay -- 4. Transfer pricing : special extractive industry issues / Jack Calder -- 5. International tax and treaty strategy in resource-rich developing countries : experience and approaches / Philip Daniel and Victor Thuronyi -- 6. Extractive investments and tax treaties : issues for investors / Janine Juggins -- 7. Taxing gains on transfer of interest / Lee Burns, Honore Le Leuch and Emil M. Sunley -- 8. Fiscal issues for cross-border natural resource projects / Joseph C. Bell and Jasmina B. Chauvin -- 9. International oil and gas pipelines : legal, tax, and tariff issues / Honore Le Leuch -- 10. The design of joint development zone treaties and international unitization agreements / Peter Cameron -- 11. Fiscal schemes for joint development of petroleum in disputed areas : a primer and an evaluation / Philip Daniel, Chandara Veung and Alistair Watson -- 12. Taxes, royalties and cross-border resource investments / Jack M. Mintz -- 13. Tax competition and coordination in extractive industries / Mario Mansour and Artur Swistak.

The Concluding Statement from an October 2012 Global Seminar on the Role of Parliaments and Extractive Industries points to steps Parliaments can take to ensure that the development of mineral, oil and gas resources is a benefit rather than a curse for their societies. Parliamentarians from selected resource-rich Commonwealth jurisdictions shared experiences with experts from international organizations to identify problems and solutions. Adapted from the source document.

"The Cyclical Phenomenon of Resource Nationalism in Latin America" published on by Oxford University Press.

Preliminary Material -- Introduction -- A New Model or a New Form of Imperialism? -- Extractive Imperialism in Historical Perspective -- Agro-Extractivism: The Agrarian Question of the 21st Century -- Trade and Development in an Era of Extractive Imperialism -- Class Struggle on the New Frontier of Extractive Capitalism -- Extractive Capitalism and the Resistance in Guyana -- Extractive Capitalism and Brazil's Great Leap Backward -- Resistance and Reform in Mexico's Mining Sector -- Canadian Resistance to the Northern Gateway Oil Pipeline -- Imperialist Dynamics of US-Venezuela Relations -- Dynamics of 21st Century Imperialism -- Reflections on us Imperialism at Home and Abroad -- Bibliography -- Index.

Participation in principle. Indigenous rights and resource development in the Arctic : an overview of international standards and principles for consultation, participation and consent -- What is required for free, prior and informed consent and where does it apply? -- Meaningful stakeholder engagement as an aspect of risk-based due diligence between the economy, politics and law : the constituitive role of the business and human rights regime -- Participation in practice. Youth as a resource in extractive industry decision-making processes : a case study using social media and visual methods to engage young Greenlanders -- Comparative expectations of resource development in selected Greenland communities -- Our consent was taken for granted : a relational justice perspective on the participation of Komi people in oil development in northern Russia -- Local views on oil development in a village on the North Slope of Alaska -- Land claims agreements in Canada and the promise of enhanced participation -- Participation in a small archipelago : the Shetland negotiations -- Participation improved. The relationship between host government contracts for oil and gas activities and public participation -- Achieving excellence in public participation and consultation -- Arctic voices : strategies for community engagement.

AbstractThe issue of economic growth and human development has been a central concern in the oil and gas sector of Nigeria's extractive industry, and this has featured prominently in the agitations and generalized restiveness in the Niger Delta, the oil‐producing region. While many studies have focused on these problems, policies aimed at confronting them have not received much broad attention. This article bridges this research gap by holistically focusing on the solution to the problem. In doing this, the article examines the policies during the Obasanjo administration from 1999 to 2007 in order to critically assess the efficacy or inefficiency of the policies in reversing the general problem now known as the "resource curse," and to offer a better understanding of the deeper political, social, and economic issues that drive outcomes. The article finds that while significant efforts were made to avoid the boom and bust cycle of oil and lower volatility by de‐linking public expenditure from oil revenue through the "oil‐price‐based fiscal rule," generally, progress in this area was not matched by improvement in the other areas examined by this study, notably peace and safety of lives and oil/gas installations, the development of the oil‐producing region, environmental security and sustainability, and the transparent and accountable use of oil/gas revenues.

In Ecuador, following the late 2000's commodity boom, a populist government invested increased oil revenues into social spending, reducing inequality, and gaining a rare period of political stability. The Yasuní National Park has been the focal point of this dynamic since 2006 when the government endorsed a ground-breaking plan to protect the park called the Yasuni ITT initiative. The initiative's demise in 2013 raises the question: what explains the government's initial support of, and then rejection of the ITT initiative? Upon combining the theories of extractive imperative and limited access order, this paper's thesis is that, given Ecuador's choice to fund public services through extractive industry rents, reducing extractive industry rents through constraining extractive industries is too painful politically. These theories help to structure a narrative, producing insights into the political dynamic impacting the ITT initiative and its eventual collapse. This thesis pursues its investigation through a case study of Yasuní National Park. Discipline: Political Sciences (Honours) Faculty Mentor: Dr. Andrea Wagner