Suchergebnisse

Digitised version produced by the EUI Library and made available online in 2020.

Award date: 31 December 1988 ; Supervisor: J. Schwarze ; First made available online on 4 November 2015.

Posttraumatic stress disorder is apparently widespread among veterans of the Vietnam War. Moreover, minority veterans seem to have higher levels of stress than their white counterparts. Although there are no extensive studies of American Indian Vietnam veterans, they also show signs of PTSD. Some Indian veterans, however, apparently are working through the problems associated with PTSD for two reasons. They have been helped by traditional tribal ceremonies, and they have been given some recognition for participating in the war by their communities. Culture and ceremonialism are probably important aspects of veteran readjustment and deserve further examination.

First made available online in 2018 ; -- PART 1: Summary of the Debates -- Les administrations nationales et les institutions européennes face audéfi budgétaire: un essai desynthèse by Renaud DEHOUSSE -- PART 2: Abstracts of SelectedInterventions -- Henning CHRISTOPHERSEN Vice-President Commissionof theEuropean Communities -- Enrique BARONCRESPO Vice-Président du Parlement européen -- Pieter DANKERT Vice-President of the European Parliament -- Jean-Pierre COT Président de la Commissiondes Budgets duParlement européen -- David BOSTOCK Financial Counsellor, Permanent Representation of the United Kingdom to the EC -- Guy ISAAC Président del'Université des Sciences Sociales de Toulouse -- Jurgen ORSTROM MOLLER Ministryof Foreign Affairs, Copenhagen -- Stephen SMITH Institute for Fiscal Studies, London -- Claude VILLAIN Inspecteur Général des Finances, Paris

On March 20, 1986 many South Florida Hispanics were disappointed yet politically emboldened by the result of a close U.S. House vote on President Reagan's Nicaraguan Contra aid bill. Although the proposal was defeated in a 222–210 vote, the outcome was viewed locally as a Latin victory because Miami's moderately liberal Democratic delegation broke ranks with House leadership by voting three to one in support of the President's proposal. It is apparent that pressure felt from Miami's Cuban and Nicaraguan exile communities, as well as from the Florida Commission on Hispanic Affairs and the Cuban-American National Foundation, was decisive in compelling locally elected Democratic House members to support the President over their party.Two days after the vote, 200 protestors gathered in downtown Miami in a demonstration against Contra aid. Alpha 66, a militant anti-Castro organization, called a counter-demonstration attended by about 2,000 angry Hispanics who threw eggs, rocks, and insults at the smaller group of protestors. Miami riot police escorted the anti-Contra demonstrators away from the scene in buses in order to prevent their injury. The fractious counter-demonstration was broadcast live by a Spanish language radio station and was attended by several local and state officials, including the three Cuban-Americans who constitute a majority on the five-member Miami City Commission. These events underscore an increasingly visible phenomenon in Miami's volatile politics.

This article describes the content of a very large
historical data bank about the Weimar Republic and the
principles of data-management, analogous to the hierarchical
systematic structure of its underlying statistical sources.
The subjects of the data bank are the Kreise (counties)
and Gemeinden (communities) with their electoral results
of eight Reichstagswahlen and census data about social occupation
structure, confession and unemployment in the
period between 1920 and 1933. Some important problems
would appear, when using this cross-sectional organized
aggregate data set for longitudinal purposes. The solutions
of this problems base upon several strategies in conjunction
with special code variables, established by the author into
the data bank. They produce new longitudinal data sets
with relative stable geographic units. Further, this article
gives a short view about the variables and technical aspects
of data-handling. The historical data bank and a user manual
is now public for social and historical scientists and
available via the Center for Historical Social Research in
Cologne/FRG.

Political scientists are only now, and dimly, beginning to recognize that something called "political risk analysis" (PRA) is very much in vogue in the corporate and banking communities of this country. Any attempt to assess this uncommon development should begin with this question: Why would any banker or corporate manager wish to spend hard cash on anything political scientists might have to say about places overseas where banks and multinational corporations lend or invest their capital? After all, the profession is not exactly distinguished by its ability to make accurate forecasts. Indeed, Sartori has argued that political scientists ought to eschew forecasting entirely in that they are best able to explain what happened as opposed to what may come to pass.Sartori's assertion of course would make historians of us all—and burden us with the historian's smug claim that, if the history examined is too recent, the immediacy of events will distort our vision and bias our judgments. Thus, rather than try to foretell where, say, Germany will move politically next year we should expend (more!) of our resources to establish once and for all what really caused Weimar to collapse and Hitler to come to power.This is not the stuff of political risk analysis. Growing interest in this activity is little based on broad analyses of the past or on long-term forecasts of future events. The potential consumers of political assessments are intelligent, harried bankers and corporate managers who are pressed to make relatively short-term decisions that affect the viability of enterprise and investment-and, equally important, careers-in professions where tenure is unknown.

This study was devoted to the development of the
transhumance in Spain, Italy, Southern France, and the
Balkan countries. It elaborated an idealtype of evolution
of transhumance within the context of medieval European
economies. The ideal-type modes of organization range from
the integration of sheep raising, in the business cycles of
rural communities to the regulations for extensive migratory
sheep raising by public institutions. The degrees of
spatial interrelatedness, the separation of pastoral production
and reproduction from the rural production and
living units, and the disposition of the yields from
transhumant sheep raising are used as criteria for characterizing
each stage. Spatial relations between the places
of rural and pastoral productions allege the labelling of
the various stages: intra-local sheep raising (use of the
common land; no supplementary pastures; division of labour
between the members of the rural production unity; the
head of the household is authorized to dispose of the
surplus); inter-local migratory pastoral economy (supplementary
pastures in different village lands; division of
labour between shepherd and rural production unity; the
shepherd's participation in surplus and income from
sales); intra-regional migratory pastoral industry (supplementary
pastures beyond the village, but within the
same physiographic region; division of labour between
shepherd and rural production unity or larger production
unities; aside from them, owners of pasture grounds and
landowners in regions through which flocks pass during
their migrations participate in surplus and income from
sales); inter-regional migratory pastoral industry (supplementary
pastures in different physiographic regions,
division of labour between shepherd and rural or larger
economic unities or flock owners; also division of labour
within the pastoral production unity; aside from shepherds,
peasants, flock owners, owners of pasture grounds,
and landowners in regions through which flocks pass during
their migrations, the government or similar organizers of
transhumance participate in surplus and income from
sales).