Suchergebnisse

O objetivo deste artigo é examinar a dinâmica do debate nas plataformas de redes sociais sob a perspectiva da identidade e da ação coletiva. Mais especificamente, buscamos identificar quem foram os atores centrais no Twitter em torno do debate sobre duas paralisações de entregadores de aplicativo contra o regime e as condições de trabalho durante o período da pandemia (UberEats, iFood, Rappi, etc.) ocorridas a 1 e 25 de julho de 2020 no Brasil. Examinamos, além disso, se os perfis mais influentes protagonizaram a formação de comunidades em torno de sua interpretação sobre esse tema. Para isso, coletamos um total de 535.178 tweets publicados em dois episódios de manifestações dos trabalhadores, ocorridos entre junho e julho de 2020. A partir da análise temporal de clusters, identificamos o momento de entrada de cada comunidade no debate sobre o tema e discutimos como perfis de influenciadores, movimentos sociais, políticos e celebridades desempenharam funções centrais na mobilização de apoiadores e no engajamento público ligado às manifestações nas redes. Os resultados mostram que a mobilização social em ambientes digitais ocorre a partir de interações entre grupos com grande envolvimento com as causas defendidas e perfis de atuação mais efêmeros, cuja participação é fundamental para a promoção e divulgação dos atos. ; The purpose of this article is to examine the dynamics of the debate on social networking platforms from the perspective of collective identity and collective action concepts. More specifically, we seek to identify who are the central actors on Twitter in the debate about the two delivery app workers' strike against the work regime and working conditions during the pandemics (UberEats, iFood, Rappi, etc.) occurred on July 1 and 25, 2020, in Brazil. We also examined whether the most influential users played a role in the formation of communities around their interpretation of this topic. To do so, we collected 535,178 tweets published in two periods of workers' demonstrations, which occurred between June and July 2020. Based on temporal analysis of clusters, we identified the moment of entrance of each community on the debate and discussed how profiles of influencers, social movements, politicians, and celebrities on Twitter played central roles in mobilizing supporters and fostering public engagement linked to acts on the networks. The results show that social mobilization in digital environments occurs from interactions between groups with great involvement with the causes and profiles of more ephemeral performance, whose participation is fundamental for the promotion and dissemination of acts.

O objetivo deste artigo é examinar a dinâmica do debate nas plataformas de redes sociais sob a perspectiva da identidade e da ação coletiva. Mais especificamente, buscamos identificar quem foram os atores centrais no Twitter em torno do debate sobre duas paralisações de entregadores de aplicativo contra o regime e as condições de trabalho durante o período da pandemia (UberEats, iFood, Rappi, etc.) ocorridas a 1 e 25 de julho de 2020 no Brasil. Examinamos, além disso, se os perfis mais influentes protagonizaram a formação de comunidades em torno de sua interpretação sobre esse tema. Para isso, coletamos um total de 535.178 tweets publicados em dois episódios de manifestações dos trabalhadores, ocorridos entre junho e julho de 2020. A partir da análise temporal de clusters, identificamos o momento de entrada de cada comunidade no debate sobre o tema e discutimos como perfis de influenciadores, movimentos sociais, políticos e celebridades desempenharam funções centrais na mobilização de apoiadores e no engajamento público ligado às manifestações nas redes. Os resultados mostram que a mobilização social em ambientes digitais ocorre a partir de interações entre grupos com grande envolvimento com as causas defendidas e perfis de atuação mais efêmeros, cuja participação é fundamental para a promoção e divulgação dos atos. ; The purpose of this article is to examine the dynamics of the debate on social networking platforms from the perspective of collective identity and collective action concepts. More specifically, we seek to identify who are the central actors on Twitter in the debate about the two delivery app workers' strike against the work regime and working conditions during the pandemics (UberEats, iFood, Rappi, etc.) occurred on July 1 and 25, 2020, in Brazil. We also examined whether the most influential users played a role in the formation of communities around their interpretation of this topic. To do so, we collected 535,178 tweets published in two periods of workers' demonstrations, which occurred between June and July 2020. Based on temporal analysis of clusters, we identified the moment of entrance of each community on the debate and discussed how profiles of influencers, social movements, politicians, and celebrities on Twitter played central roles in mobilizing supporters and fostering public engagement linked to acts on the networks. The results show that social mobilization in digital environments occurs from interactions between groups with great involvement with the causes and profiles of more ephemeral performance, whose participation is fundamental for the promotion and dissemination of acts.

One milestone of the public policies directed to the Quilombola communities in Brazil was the launch of the 'Brazil Quilombola Program' (PBQ) and its institutionalization with the 'Quilombola Social Agenda'. The objective of this article is to analyze the budgetary allocation of the 'Brazil Quilombola Program' and its relation with the implementation of public policies in Brazil and the state of Maranhão. The methodology was based on data analysis of the Brazilian Law of Budgetary Guidelines for the period 2004 to 2014, and on documentary analysis. The budget data was obtained from the online portal 'Siga Brasil' of the Federal Senate, which compiles data from the Federal Government's Integrated System of Financial Administration (Siafi). Documentary analyzes were carried out in the State Plan for Integrated Actions of the Brazil Quilombola Plan in Maranhão and in the Report on the Implementation of the Brazil Quilombola Plan in Maranhão. The data gathered led to the conclusion that the Brazil Quilombola Program operated as a governance device that symbolically included Quilombola communities, apparently meeting demands of social movements. However, in practice, it effectively excluded them, because of the budget's regulation. In addition, it was noted the decline, at least in terms of budget, of public policies with racial cut in the country within the federal government. ; Las políticas públicas dirigidas a las comunidades quilombolas tuvieron como marco el lanzamiento del Programa Brasil Quilombola (PBQ) y su institucionalización con la Agenda Social Quilombola. El objetivo de este artículo fue analizar la asignación presupuestaria del Programa Brasil Quilombola y su nexo con la ejecución de políticas públicas en Brasil y en Maranhão. La metodología utilizada se basó en el análisis de datos de las Leyes Presupuestarias anuales entre 2004 y 2014 y análisis documental. Los datos presupuestarios fueron obtenidos en el Portal Siga Brasil del Senado Federal, que compila datos del Sistema Integrado de Administración Financiera (Siafi) del gobierno federal. Se realizaron análisis documentales en el Plan Estadual de Acciones Integradas del Plan Brasil Quilombola de Maranhão y en el Informe de Ejecución del Plan Brasil Quilombola también de Maranhão. El análisis temático de contenido orientó el trabajo con los datos. Los datos reunidos condujeron a la conclusión de que el Programa Brasil Quilombola operó como un dispositivo de gobierno que incluyó simbólicamente a las comunidades quilombolas, aparentemente atendiendo demandas de movimientos sociales. Sin embargo, las excluyó efectivamente, a través de la regulación presupuestaria. Además, se constató el ocaso, al menos presupuestario, de políticas públicas con recorte racial en el país en el ámbito del gobierno federal. ; As políticas públicas direcionadas às comunidades quilombolas tiveram como marco o lançamento do Programa Brasil Quilombola (PBQ) e sua institucionalização com a Agenda Social Quilombola. O objetivo deste artigo é analisar a alocação orçamentária do PBQ e seu nexo com a execução de políticas públicas no Brasil e no Maranhão. A metodologia utilizada baseia-se em análise de dados das Leis Orçamentárias Anuais entre 2004 e 2014 e em análise documental. Os dados orçamentários foram obtidos no Portal Siga Brasil, do Senado Federal, que compila dados do Sistema Integrado de Administração Financeira (Siafi) do governo federal. Foram realizadas análises documentais no Plano Estadual de Ações Integradas do Plano Brasil Quilombola do Maranhão e no Relatório de Execução do Plano Brasil Quilombola, também do Maranhão. A análise temática de conteúdo orientou o trabalho com os dados. Os dados reunidos conduziram à conclusão de que o PBQ operou como um dispositivo de governo que incluiu simbolicamente as comunidades quilombolas, aparentemente atendendo demandas de movimentos sociais. Contudo, excluiu-as efetivamente, via regulação orçamentária. Além disso, constatou-se o ocaso, ao menos orçamentário, de políticas públicas com recorte racial no país no âmbito do governo federal.

Defence date: 21 November 2008 ; Examining Board: Prof. Doutor Jacques Ziller, Instituto Universitário Europeu; Prof. Doutor Pedro Bacelar Vasconcelos, Universidade do Minho; Prof. Doutor Rui Moura Ramos, Universidade de Coimbra; Prof. Doutor Francesco Francioni, Instituto Universitário Europeu. ; First made available online 14 January 2015. ; Portugal is a very good illustration of the current identity quests that are pursued by communities of all shapes and sizes – local, national, supranational, international, civilizational – in response to old urges and new threats posed in a globalised, but also "glocalised", world. Torn between its European body and its atlantic/lusophone "soul", Portugal tries to strike a balance between the two dimensions of its identity as a polity and, in the process, claims a special role as mediator between north and south, Europe and the African continent. Although fully committed to the European immigration policy, with its restrictive dimensions and its focus on integration, Portugal purports to articulate the European demands with the special solidarity bonds that exist with the Portuguese speaking countries. It has been so for a number of years, but the recent developments in both the Portuguese nationality and immigration laws show that the fears expressed by many that Schengen would surpass the lusophone ties were well founded and that, no matter how well intended the Portuguese policies are in these matters, the result will be detrimental to the so-called lusophone citizens. They do enjoy a special status – encompassing voting rights and access to public office that is generally forbidden to all foreigners (a status unparalleled in the two other European countries under scrutiny, France and the United Kingdom) – but their access to the Portuguese territory has been curtailed. Even more than Portugal, which until recently was the last of the European "nation states" and only now faces visible cultural diversity in its society, the European Union and the Community of the Portuguese Speaking Countries (CPLP) struggle with the definition of their respective identities and sense of purpose, seeking to win the hearts and minds of their peoples. Commonly considered a natural spontaneous community, due to the existence of a common language, the CPLP faces the difficulties posed by mutual distrust and old grudges and the fear, by many, that it is only an expression of imperial nostalgia on the part of Portugal. Its member states show only a mild commitment, engaged as they all are in other regional communities of their own, as can be seen in the discussions on citizenship and free movement within the lusophone area. There are many similarities between the legal systems of the CPLP member states, which can be explained by the cooperation between lawyers and academics specially in Africa and East Timor, but some of those similarities are merely formal, with little correspondence in the law in action, and coexist with relevant differences due mostly to different levels of socio-economic development and political will. For the European Union the purpose of fostering a feeling of belonging and solidarity between the peoples of Europe is an ongoing struggle for legitimacy which has suffered major setbacks in recent years. After the constitutional momentum, the Union has adopted a more modest stance, but has by no means given up winning the support of the European citizens. One of the fields in which its intervention is demanded is directly linked with the identity quest in progress – border definition and control, policies towards illegal and legal aliens. Stressing the need to integrate the third country nationals who are legal residents and adopting the mantra of intercultural dialogue, the EU presents itself as a guardian for human rights and a fighter against racism, at the same time as it tries to keep Europe for the Europeans as much as possible. Its member states are willing, for European or domestic reasons, to go along and easily drop old preferences for extra-community bonds of solidarity. Portugal may again be the last of the empires, keeping a special status for the foreigners of lusophone origin, but it nevertheless keeps with the times when it comes to admission to its territory.