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The authors describe the situation of Polish immigrant organisations in selected European countries (Germany, France, Great Britain, Ireland, Norway, Sweden, the Netherlands, Italy and Spain) on the basis of field research. Their aim is to explore and explain the conditions under which they operate. This seminal publication presents the first cross-disciplinary research on Polish immigrant organisations. It allows to compare and generalise, enabling the authors to formulate new theoretical proposals, which aim to build a model explaining the situation of immigrant organisations.

The presence of an extensive number of Polish immigrants in Ireland has a short history, which began after Poland's accession to the EU. Therefore, the organizations that have been set up since 2004 were to a high degree built up with no or little impact of the existing tradition of immigrant structures and institutions. This makes Ireland a specific laboratory for testing a new model of immigrants' organization of the 21st century. The article aims to describe the development of Polish immigrant organizations in Ireland and to present their characteristics, including their goals, activities, the role of new media and technology, as well as the patterns of participation and communication. The detailed presentation of these characteristics and case studies serves the goal of answering the question: if and to what extent "young" Polish immigrant organizations in Ireland can be seen as the forerunners of a new model of immigrants' organization of the 21st century.

Die ersten Nachkriegsjahre waren in Polen von einem harten politischen Kampf und der Umgestaltung der demokratischen Ordnung in ein totalitäres System geprägt. Die Politik der kommunistischen Machthaber war auf eine allmähliche Ausschaltung ihrer Gegner und die Umgestaltung der gesellschaftlichen Strukturen im Sinne der kommunistischen Ideologie ausgerichtet. Gegenüber der katholischen Kirche in Polen ging sie in der ersten Zeit von der Wahrung verhältnismäßig korrekter Beziehungen aus. Im Laufe der Zeit starteten die kommunistischen Behörden jedoch immer häufiger Aktivitäten, die auf eine Ausschaltung aller Einflüsse der Kirche aus dem Leben der Gesellschaft abzielte. Diese kirchenfeindliche Politik verstärkte sich nach 1948. Damals wurden Anstrengungen unternommen, die Arbeit der Kirche in den religiösen Organisationen und Vereinen zu beschränken, deren Einfluß auf breite Kreise der Bevölkerung ein starkes Gegengewicht zur Ausbreitung der materialistischen Ideologie bildete und einen die Entwicklung gestaltenden Faktor darstellte. Daher mußte es früher oder später zum Konflikt zwischen den neuen Machthabern und der Kirche kommen. Diese Situation blieb nicht ohne Einfluß auf die Tätigkeit der katholischen Organisation "Caritas", die ebenfalls eine der Ebenen bildete, auf der sich dieser Konflikt entwickelte. Die "Caritas" spielte mit ihren mehr als 800 000 Mitgliedern nach dem 2. Welt-krieg eine beträchtliche Rolle, nicht nur was die Minderung der Armut vieler Polen betrifft, sondern sie hatte auch wesentlichen Einfluß auf die Stärkung des Glaubens. Dies wurde besonders in der letzten Zeit ihres Wirkens deutlich, als viele von den Behörden zur Aufgabe ihrer Arbeit gezwungene kirchliche Organisationen diese im Rahmen der "Caritas" weiterführten. Die Politik der kommunistischen Behörden gegenüber der "Caritas" war eine Widerspiegelung der Politik der Kommunisten gegenüber der Kirche überhaupt. Deshalb erklärten sie sich in der ersten Zeit mit der Wiederaufnahme der Arbeit der "Caritas" einverstanden, und sie erhielt sogar materielle und finanzielle Unterstützung vom Staat. Der "Caritas" wurden zahlreiche Erleichterungen gewährt, und sie arbeitete bei gemeinsam unternommenen karitativen Aktionen mit den staatlichen Behörden zusammen, z.B. bei der Hilfe für obdachlose Kinder, für Überschwemmungsopfer oder für Repatrianten sowie in den Gegenmaßnahmen gegen das Bettlerwesen. Mit der Zeit begannen die Behörden die Tätigkeit der "Caritas" jedoch immer mehr zu beschränken, die nun als ein Mittel zur Stärkung der Einflüsse der Kirche auf die Gesellschaft angesehen wurde. Daher wich die zeitweilige Zusammenarbeit einer scharfen Rivalisierung, ja Feindseligkeit des Staates gegen-über der "Caritas". Diese Politik nahm nach 1948 an Stärke zu. Die Behörden begannen ihr zahlreiche Hindernisse und Erschwernisse in den Weg zu legen und immer mehr karitative Stellen zu übernehmen. Sie wandten außerdem verschiedene Repressalien gegen die Mitarbeiter der "Caritas" an (Einschüchterungen, Verhaftungen u.dgl.). Dies war von einer lügenhaften Pressekampagne begleitet. Seinen Höhepunkt erreichte dieser Kampf im Januar 1950, als die staatlichen Behörden auf Beschluß des Politbüros des Zentralkomitees der Polnischen Vereinigten Arbeiterpartei mit Hilfe von Funktionären des Staatssicherheitsamtes, der Staatsanwaltschaft sowie der Wojewodschafts- und Kreiskomitees der Partei zur widerrechtlichen Übernahme der "Caritas" übergingen. In dieser Situation sahen sich die polnischen Bischöfe gezwungen, diese karitative Organisation trotz zahlreicher Proteste aufzulösen, um eine Fronde im Schoße der Kirche zu vermeiden. Dadurch wurde die Tätigkeit der "Caritas" in ihren bisherigen Formen und Strukturen unterbrochen. Die Kirche führte ihre karitative Aktion allerdings im Rahmen der Pfarrpastoral in eingeschränkter Form weiter. ; -

The article discusses the organisational issues of self-government organisations of the professions of public trust in Poland, in the context of the implementation of the principle of incompatibilitas, as a sine qua non condition for their proper functioning and due performance of the public tasks entrusted to them. The analysis covers the self-government organisations of advocates, attorneys-at-law, notaries, bailiffs, patent attorneys and tax advisers, taking into account their different structures and the legal basis (statutory law or bye-laws) for the prohibition on the one-handed holding of multiple functions or mandates in the bodies of these professional associations. The study found that the phenomenon of holding multiple functions in the self-government of attorneys-at-law constitutes a problem. The study outlines the cause of this situation and draws conclusions for the law as it should stand, which concern the introduction of a prohibition of accumulating functions to the optimum extent, in line with the solutions applied by the self-government of advocates. The aim of the article is not only to substantiate the necessity of these changes, but also to show how they should be made. This proposal can be implemented by amending the internal rules governing the self-government of attorneys-of-law, which should be treated as intra-corporate normative acts and only ultimately through legislative intervention. ; Artykuł dotyczy zagadnień organizacyjnych samorządów prawniczych zawodów zaufania publicznego w kontekście realizacji zasady incompatibilitas jako warunku sine qua non właściwego ich funkcjonowania i rzetelnej realizacji powierzonych im zadań publicznych. Przeprowadzona analiza dotyczy samorządów: adwokatów, radców prawnych, notariuszy, komorników, rzeczników patentowych i doradców podatkowych, z uwzględnieniem ich zróżnicowanej struktury oraz podstaw obowiązywania (ustawa lub/i akty prawa wewnętrznego) zakazu łączenia funkcji lub mandatów w organach tych samorządów zawodowych. W wyniku ...

This article is a case study of the role played by a non-governmental organisation in the development policy and development assistance on the example of the Coprodeli Foundation in Peru. In developed democratic countries, the organs of state power entrust part of their tasks to civil society organisations. However, these organisations can also become the leader in the development policy replacing or supporting the state. This determination is particularly important in the perspective of developing countries. However, the business model of these organisations must be inclusive and not substitute. The model developed by Coprodeli involves both beneficiaries, local and state power and business structures, and other aid organisations. Participation of many entities and the specifics of the work of the foundation, which places entire settlements in places neglected and affected by natural disasters, makes the model developed by Coprodeli important for the advancement of the theory of development assistance policy.

The aim of this paper is to present the theoretical basis of public diplomacy and the characteristics of methods and areas of cross-border cooperation conducted by local governments in Podlaskie Voivodship. Report, in particular, draws attention to the civic and local government dimension of Polish foreign policy. Undertaken analysis was targeted to recognition of existing practices in this area, as well as to identify conclusions and recommendations for further development of decentralized foreign policy.
This report first discusses the basic theoretical concepts related to citizenship and local government cross-border cooperation. Attention was drawn to priorities of Polish decentralized foreign policy and sectoral diversification of cross-border cooperation actors in the Podlaskie Voivodship. Next the existing and planned cross-border cooperation initiatives present in the public programs and strategies of local governments and districts were discussed. Later in the report an attempt to summarize the areas and methods of cooperation were undertaken as well as some main conclusions and recommendations were pointed out.

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) was established in 1996 as a joint response from China, Russia and the three Central Asian republics to growing threats to international security in the Central Asia region. Over the next two decades, the SCO has not only become an important guarantor of security and inter-state dialogue in the region but has also created a number of internal institutions specializing in, i.a. economic and energy cooperation. From the very beginning of its existence, China was its main patron and a strong supporter of tightening cooperation and expanding the organization to include more member states. China was also the author of the SCO rhetoric regarding the New Silk Road, which since 2013 has also become the leitmotif of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) established by China to develop economic cooperation with Asian and European countries. The main research issue of this paper is an answer to the question of how SCO has changed under the influence of the BRI. This problem will be analysed through two lenses: how has the Belt and Path Initiative influenced the direction of SCO development? And what effect does the rhetoric of the Silk Road have on international assessment of the SCO activities?

Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; Po ogólnie korzystnej profesjonalizacji Sił Zbrojnych RP pojawiły się jednak pewne problemy. Jednym z nich jest stosunkowo niewielki dopływ wyszkolonych rezerw osobowych. Jednocześnie powstaje wiele organizacji społecznych o charakterze obronnym i paramilitarnym (nazywanych "organizacjami proobronnymi"), usiłujących podjąć inicjatywy obronne i współpracę z wojskiem. Dlatego też istnieje potrzeba spożytkowania potencjału tych organizacji nie tylko w tradycyjnych rolach (kształtowanie postaw patriotycznych, krzewienie tradycji wojskowych, wsparcie odpowiednich służb w działaniach ochronnych, pomoc humanitarna), lecz także w zakresie przygotowania swoich członków do zasilania zasobów osobowych Sił Zbrojnych RP, w tym wojsk Obrony Terytorialnej. W artykule autor podejmuje problematykę współpracy organów wojskowych z podmiotami społecznymi. Autor opisuje uwarunkowania, działania praktyczne oraz problemy w Ministerstwie Obrony Narodowej, związane ze standaryzacją i certyfikacją szkolenia wojskowego. Działania te dotyczą organizacji proobronnych i klas eksperymentalnych o profilu wojskowym w szkołach ponadgimnazjalnych. Prowadzone są tam programy pilotażowe mające dać odpowiedź w kwestii kierunków dalszego postępowania. Ostatnim elementem jest szkolenie wojskowe absolwentów i studentów uczelni wyższych na potrzeby odbudowy korpusu oficerów rezerwy. W tej dziedzinie prowadzone są dopiero prace koncepcyjne, dlatego też kształt ostatecznych rozwiązań jest obecnie trudny do przewidzenia. ; In the article, the author deals with the problem of cooperation between military bodies and non-military organisations in Poland. After the professionalisation of the Polish Armed Forces – that generally brought positive effects – some additional problems occurred. One of them, a key one, is a limited availability of well-trained and qualified personnel reserves. At the same time, many of defence and paramilitary organizations (commonly known as so called "pro-defence organizations") are attempting to engage in government-led defence initiatives and closer cooperation with the Armed Forces. Therefore, there is a need to utilize their valuable potential which refers not only to their traditional role (which embraces, but is not limited to, the following: shaping patriotic attitudes, promoting military traditions, support for security services, humanitarian aid), but also to this kind of training that would prepare their members to the future military service, mostly in Territorial Defence troops. The author describes the legal conditions and actions already undertaken by the Ministry of National Defence as well as challenges and problems that are being faced in the area of organisation, standardization and certification of the aforementioned military training. These activities concern both, pro-defence organizations and experimental forms with a military profile at the secondary level of education. There are ongoing pilot programs already introduced to identify the most effective ways of further proceedings. The last element of the analysis offered in the article is the problem of military training of graduates and university students that would augment the corps of reserve officers. Conceptual works are being carried out in this area, but the final solutions have not been recommended yet.

Celem niniejszego opracowania jest przybliżenie podstaw teoretycznych dyplomacji publicznej oraz charakterystyki metod i obszarów współpracy transgranicznej prowadzonej przez samorządy województwa podlaskiego. Raport w szczególności zwraca uwagę na obywatelski i samorządowy wymiar polskiej polityki zagranicznej. Podjętą analizę ukierunkowano na rozpoznanie dotychczasowych praktyk w tym zakresie, jak też na określenie wniosków i rekomendacji, co do dalszego rozwoju zdecentralizowanej polityki zagranicznej. W raporcie w pierwszej kolejności omówiono podstawowe pojęcia teoretyczne związane z obywatelską i samorządową współpracą transgraniczną. Zwrócono uwagę na priorytety zdecentralizowanej polityki zagranicznej Polski oraz na zróżnicowanie sektorowe aktorów współpracy transgranicznej w województwie podlaskim. Następnie w podziale na powiaty omówiono realizowane i planowane inicjatywy współpracy transgranicznej obecne w dostępnych publicznie dokumentach strategicznych samorządów woj. podlaskiego. W dalszej części raportu podjęto próbę podsumowania obszarów i metod współpracy oraz wskazano na główne wnioski i rekomendacje. ; The aim of this paper is to present the theoretical basis of public diplomacy and the characteristics of methods and areas of cross-border cooperation conducted by local governments in Podlaskie Voivodship. Report, in particular, draws attention to the civic and local government dimension of Polish foreign policy. Undertaken analysis was targeted to recognition of existing practices in this area, as well as to identify conclusions and recommendations for further development of decentralized foreign policy. This report first discusses the basic theoretical concepts related to citizenship and local government cross-border cooperation. Attention was drawn to priorities of Polish decentralized foreign policy and sectoral diversification of cross-border cooperation actors in the Podlaskie Voivodship. Next the existing and planned cross-border cooperation initiatives present in the public programs and strategies of local governments and districts were discussed. Later in the report an attempt to summarize the areas and methods of cooperation were undertaken as well as some main conclusions and recommendations were pointed out. ; Ministerstwo Spraw Zagranicznych ; Andrzej Klimczuk

One of the characteristics of the second half of the 19th and 20th centuries was the tendency of young people to gather in youth associations and organisations. Some of these were created spontaneously and their activities were illegal, while others were created by the authorities of particular states, especially totalitarian ones. One example of such an organisation was the All-Union Pioneer Organisation, established by the leaders of the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia in 1922. Its strategic goal was to participate in the education of the new man, who was to become homo sovieticus, a higher variety of homo sapiens, in the future. The Pioneer Organisation fulfilled this task by organising children of school age (aged 9 to 14) and subjecting them to a systematic ideological and political training based on the Leninist or Stalinist model. The activities of the Pioneer Organisation were supervised by the Komsomol and additionally by the leadership of the communist party ruling the USSR. The structure of the Pioneer Organisation included groups, packs and cells. Like the Komsomol, the Pioneer Organisation also had its symbols, such as the threepointed red scarf that symbolised three generations: communists, komsomolets and pioneers, as well as a pioneer badge, a pioneer salute, a uniform, bugles and a snare drum. ; One of the characteristics of the second half of the 19th and 20th centuries was the tendency of young people to gather in youth associations and organisations. Some of these were created spontaneously and their activities were illegal, while others were created by the authorities of particular states, especially totalitarian ones. One example of such an organisation was the All-Union Pioneer Organisation, established by the leaders of the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia in 1922. Its strategic goal was to participate in the education of the new man, who was to become homo sovieticus, a higher variety of homo sapiens, in the future. The Pioneer Organisation fulfilled this task by organising children of school age (aged 9 to 14) and subjecting them to a systematic ideological and political training based on the Leninist or Stalinist model. The activities of the Pioneer Organisation were supervised by the Komsomol and additionally by the leadership of the communist party ruling the USSR. The structure of the Pioneer Organisation included groups, packs and cells. Like the Komsomol, the Pioneer Organisation also had its symbols, such as the threepointed red scarf that symbolised three generations: communists, komsomolets and pioneers, as well as a pioneer badge, a pioneer salute, a uniform, bugles and a snare drum.