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The dissemination of learning objects via the Internet in a smart way that meets the essential needs of learners could significantly improve the services offered by an e-learning system. A prerequisite for this is the adoption of an efficient framework for organising, describing and managing the available training materials. The various knowledge-organising systems that have been developed from time to time contribute to this objective, but are not the best solutions for each case. Therefore, through this work we are trying to distinguish the differences between the main knowledge representation structures and to identify the one best suited to modelling a field of knowledge in a machine-readable way. In this first attempt, we put in practice the knowledge organisation system which we believed to be predominant over others, in order to see its dynamics. Our ultimate goal is to make use of this technique in all aspects of a distance learning programme. ; Η διάχυση των μαθησιακών αντικειμένων μέσω του Διαδικτύου με τρόπο ευφυή, που να ανταποκρίνεται στις ουσιαστικές ανάγκες των εκπαιδευόμενων, θα μπορούσε να βελτιώσει σημαντικά τις προσφερόμενες υπηρεσίες ενός συστήματος ηλεκτρονικής μάθησης. Απαραίτητη προϋπόθεση για κάτι τέτοιο είναι η υιοθέτηση ενός αποδοτικού πλαισίου οργάνωσης, περιγραφής και διαχείρισης του διαθέσιμου εκπαιδευτικού υλικού. Τα διάφορα συστήματα οργάνωσης γνώσης που έχουν αναπτυχθεί κατά καιρούς αφενός συμβάλλουν στην επίτευξη αυτού του στόχου, ωστόσο δεν αποτελούν τις ιδανικότερες λύσεις για κάθε περίπτωση. Συνεπώς, μέσα από αυτήν την εργασία επιχειρούμε να διακρίνουμε τις διαφορές ανάμεσα στις κυριότερες δομές αναπαράστασης γνώσης και να εντοπίσουμε αυτή που ανταποκρίνεται ικανοποιητικότερα στην μοντελοποίηση ενός γνωστικού πεδίου με τρόπο μηχανικά αναγνώσιμο. Σε αυτή την πρώτη προσπάθεια, εφαρμόζουμε στην πράξη το σύστημα οργάνωσης γνώσης που κρίναμε ότι υπερτερεί έναντι των υπολοίπων, ώστε να διαπιστώσουμε τη δυναμική του. Απώτερο στόχο μας αποτελεί η αξιοποίηση αυτής της τεχνικής σε όλες ...

"Theodore Metochites, a distinguished figure in the intellectual and political landscape of the early Palaiologan period (1261-1341), was born in Constantinople in 1270. The On Morals or Concerning Education is an extensive disquisition about the significance and status of cultural education (paideia) in the context of Palaiologan society. The oration might also be seen at least partly as an autobiographical narrative exposing Metochites's inner reflections and anxieties. The On Morals belongs to the genre of the protreptikos, a hortatory speech designed to encourage its readers to study philosophy and attain virtue. With the On Morals Metochites sought to establish himself as a continuator of ancient moral philosophy in late Byzantium"--

Athena Syriatou, Duty and Instinct: History in Schools in Post-war Britain 1945-1995 This article deals with the moral role of history in post-war British education, by examining the relationship between the expectations of educationalists and intellectuals from history teaching at schools, and the actual changes which did occur in the classroom on the subject of history as a result of general changes in society and education. It argues that despite the intentions of the educationalists who saw history teaching as a means of promoting ideas which were considered necessary for the moral upbringing of the nation, these ideas very often never reached the classroom or they were considerably altered, demonstrating different ideological dynamics in British society. It initially focuses on the immediate post-war decade when international is educationalists were arguing for the need of history teaching which leads to a world citizenship. The idea of an internationalist approach on history contradicted the conservative, Britocentric, Whiggish history which was finally taught at schools during that period, since there were very few new books published, while civil servants from the Ministry of Education were concerned with the more urgent problems of schools which were affected by enemy action rather than new views on history teaching. The second period which is examined is the decade of mid sixties until mid seventies. Great changes were initiated then, to cover the disparity between the two tier system of education, with the introduction of comprehensive secondary schools, which at the time were considered to contribute to further démocratisation of the welfare state. The spirit of a more tolerant, affluent and democratic society led some educationalists to propose the expulsion of history from schools and its replacement with other humanities such as sociology and behavioural studies. However, history did remain at schools during that period and in many ways it incorporated the new ideas, creating the so called 'new history' with the efforts of the progressive, non traditionalist, and often leftist historians. Problems of implementation of the new history' appeared during the following years as a result of the difference of academic standards at schools which at this period comprehensive education could not eliminate. The final period which is examined is the decade of mid eighties until mid nineties when the New Right ideology was dominant in the political scene, while a National Curriculum for all schools was deemed necessary. Educational planners of the Conservative Party argued that history should teach again traditional values, which were, according to them, intrinsic to the British nation. However, the National Curriculum for History which was drafted by educationalists coming various convictions,(nevertheless appointed by the Conservative government), was closer to the beliefs of the new history' creators, rather than the beliefs and national values that the Conservatives initially wanted to promote. ; Athena Syriatou, Duty and Instinct: History in Schools in Post-war Britain 1945-1995 This article deals with the moral role of history in post-war British education, by examining the relationship between the expectations of educationalists and intellectuals from history teaching at schools, and the actual changes which did occur in the classroom on the subject of history as a result of general changes in society and education. It argues that despite the intentions of the educationalists who saw history teaching as a means of promoting ideas which were considered necessary for the moral upbringing of the nation, these ideas very often never reached the classroom or they were considerably altered, demonstrating different ideological dynamics in British society. It initially focuses on the immediate post-war decade when international is educationalists were arguing for the need of history teaching which leads to a world citizenship. The idea of an internationalist approach on history contradicted the conservative, Britocentric, Whiggish history which was finally taught at schools during that period, since there were very few new books published, while civil servants from the Ministry of Education were concerned with the more urgent problems of schools which were affected by enemy action rather than new views on history teaching. The second period which is examined is the decade of mid sixties until mid seventies. Great changes were initiated then, to cover the disparity between the two tier system of education, with the introduction of comprehensive secondary schools, which at the time were considered to contribute to further démocratisation of the welfare state. The spirit of a more tolerant, affluent and democratic society led some educationalists to propose the expulsion of history from schools and its replacement with other humanities such as sociology and behavioural studies. However, history did remain at schools during that period and in many ways it incorporated the new ideas, creating the so called 'new history' with the efforts of the progressive, non traditionalist, and often leftist historians. Problems of implementation of the new history' appeared during the following years as a result of the difference of academic standards at schools which at this period comprehensive education could not eliminate. The final period which is examined is the decade of mid eighties until mid nineties when the New Right ideology was dominant in the political scene, while a National Curriculum for all schools was deemed necessary. Educational planners of the Conservative Party argued that history should teach again traditional values, which were, according to them, intrinsic to the British nation. However, the National Curriculum for History which was drafted by educationalists coming various convictions,(nevertheless appointed by the Conservative government), was closer to the beliefs of the new history' creators, rather than the beliefs and national values that the Conservatives initially wanted to promote.

Engl. Zsfassung u.d.T.: Aspect of the administrative organization of the seat of the sub-province (sancak) of Gümülcine by the end of the 19th century and population data : (according to relevant data provided by the "Yearbook of the Province of Edirne" (Sâlnâme-i Vilâyet-i Edirne) of the fiscal year 1314 (1898 - 1899)) ; a contribution to the history of Komotini

In distance education, the student's high educational autonomy and active participation in the learning process are key features of the educational process that contribute to the concept of self-regulated learning in this environment, as they make the learner responsible for acquiring the knowledge through fact-finding and reflective learning practices. In this context, the work looks at the contribution of the Written Works and Group Consultative Meetings in supporting self-regulated learning strategies in the education environment of the Hellenic Open University. In particular, the purpose of the work is to explore how the Written Works and Group Consultative Meetings activate the mechanism for the expression of self-regulated learning for apprentices in the context of the educational autonomy that the OR offers through its curricula. The investigation is based on the literature review of distance education and self-regulated learning. The conclusions of the survey show that written work and group consultative meetings in the OR are areas for teaching, communication, collaborative management and evaluation negotiations and therefore important pedagogical tools to support self-regulated learning and, in particular, self-assessment strategies, self-monitoring, search for information, search for assistance and time management, which demonstrates the need for effective planning and organisation in providing them. ; Στην εξ αποστάσεως εκπαίδευση η υψηλή μορφωτική αυτονομία και η ενεργητική συμμετοχή του μαθητευόμενου στην διαδικασία μάθησης αποτελούν κυρίαρχα χαρακτηριστικά της εκπαιδευτικής διεργασίας που συντείνουν στην έννοια της αυτο-ρυθμιζόμενης μάθησης στο περιβάλλον αυτό, δεδομένου ότι καθιστούν υπεύθυνο τον μαθητευόμενο για την κατάκτηση της γνώσης μέσα από πρακτικές διερευνητικής και ανακαλυπτικής μάθησης. Στο πλαίσιο αυτό, η εργασία μελετά τη συμβολή των Γραπτών Εργασιών και των Ομαδικών Συμβουλευτικών Συναντήσεων στην υποστήριξη στρατηγικών αυτο-ρυθμιζόμενης μάθησης στο περιβάλλον εκπαίδευσης του ...

Introduction / Koenraad Verboven, Olivier Hekster -- Culture politique imperiale et pratique de la justice : regards croises sur la figure du prince "injuste" / Stephane Benoist, Anne Gangloff -- The decreta and imperiales sententiae of Julius Paulus : law and justice in the judicial decisions of Septimius Severus / Elsemieke Daalder -- The value of the stability of the law : a perspective on the role of the emperor in political crises / Francesco Bono -- Legal education, realpolitik, and the propagation of the emperor's justice / Matthijs Wibier -- Koinoi nomoi : Hadrian and the harmonization of local laws / Juan Manuel Cortes-Copete -- Justice, res publica and empire : subsidiarity and hierarchy in the Roman empire / Frederic Hurlet -- Substantive justice in provincial and Roman legal argument / Clifford Ando -- Zwischen Theorie und Wirklichkeit : Romische Sicherheitsgesetze und ihre Realisierung / Peter Herz -- Geschlechterrollen im romischen Erbrecht im Spiegel des zeitgenossischen Gerechtigkeitsverstandnisses und am Beispiel der lex Voconia / Elena Kostner -- La femme : objet et sujet de la justice romaine / Pilar Pavon Torrejon -- The spectacle of justice in the Roman Empire / Margherita Carucci.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; The article examines contemporary museums as a special educational environment for the development of subjects' (especially children's) historical knowledge, on the basis of the analysis of a) different museums and different approaches to history education, in terms of their epistemological background, and b) relevant research results. It is supported that the use of museum objects and collections as historical sources and their interpretation as historical evidence can introduce subjects to History as an «episteme», enable them to realise historical uncertainty, historical relativity and historical questioning, recall and develop historical knowledge in close relation to historical thinking and skills. Carefully organised educational programmes that aim to develop subjects' historical knowledge within a museum environment may also have great political significance, if they enable subjects to realise their right and abilities in «breaking», investigating, «reading» and interpreting historical, cultural and social codes, and to articulate and communicate their own speech.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Juan Suriano, Cultural practices and politics of the argentine anarchism The writer attempts to establish the basic characteristics of the argentine anarchism, analyze its cultural dimensions and show the limits of its strategies. The basic concepts of the anarchism in Argentina were developed during the years 1870-1920, within a constantly changing and cosmopolitan social environment, since it was in that period that the country became part of the international market place. The anarchists' discourse, being flexible and out of rigid structures, based on the principles of class heterodoxy, individualism and universality, as well as on the spontaneous action, achieved to interpret, during the years 1890-1910, not only the demands of the working class, but also the discontent and frustration of the lower classes and oppressed social groups, in general. The anarchists undertook the mission to «illuminate» and educate morally the working class, through the doctrinaire press and a network of a considerable number of circles, clubs and alternative schools, which offered not only economic help but also education and entertainment to the workers and their families. On the other hand, the constant rejection, by the anarchists, of the concepts of citizenship, representation and political participation had a negative effect on the popularity of the movement: because of the new political situation during the 1910s —in 1912 all men obtained the right to vote—, the working class changed its attitude towards the electoral process and got interested in the social measures taken by the radical governments of the period; as a result, the anarchism faced serious difficulties to attract the interest of the lower classes.

1 Introduction: The Economics of Friendship --  1  Friendship: Money Can't Buy It? --  2  Φιλια --  3  An Economic Mentality --  4  Apparatus and Argument -- 2 Grace under Pressure: The Anatomy of χάρις --   The Argument --  1  Three Cases of Isomorphism --  2  χάρις and Successful Interaction --  3  Perception and /méconnaissance --  4  Conflicts and Cynicism --  5  Concluding Remarks -- 3 The Most Ancient of Obligations: The Nature of Filial Duty --  1  The Parent-Child Bond: A Paradigm-Case --  2  The Debtor Paradigm of Obligation --  3  The Gratitude Theory --  4  The Gratitude Theory Analysed --  5  Tensions in the Script: The Possibility of χάρις --  6  Concluding Remarks -- 4 A Debtor Paradigm of Obligation: Principles of Moral Accounting --  1  Moral Bookkeeping --  2  Morality as Paying Debts --  3  Debts, Gifts and Morality --  4  Concluding Remarks: The Ledger under Taboo -- 5 Pricing the Invaluable: Socrates and the Proper Use of Friends --   The Argument --  1  Framing Socratic Conversation --  2  False Friends, Part One: Utility, Ancient and Modern --  3  False Friends Part Two: Economics, Ancient and Modern --  4  Education and the Logic of Wage-Earning --  5  Concluding Remarks: The Givenness of the Good -- 6 Active Partnership: Socrates and the Art of Seduction --   The Argument --  1  Amazing Grace: Looking as a Reciprocal Endeavour --  2  The Hunter Hunted: Role Reversals and the Paradox of the Hetaera --  3  Desire Management --  4  The Secrets of Love Magic --  5  The Socratic Principle: Pay It Forward --  6  Concluding Remarks: Language Games at the Market Frontier -- 7 Relational Economics: Aristotle on Value and Equivalence --  1  Aristotle Discovers the Economy? --  2  Equivalence --  3  Value and Values --  4  The Politics of Need --  5  Concluding Remarks -- Epilogue: Hostile Worlds -- Bibliography -- Index.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Maria Damilakou, The image of the gaucho in the argentine society (1830- 1940): ideological uses and historiographie approaches This article attempts to show the different images of the gaucho, symbol of the argentine pampa, that predominated the local society as long as to associate them to the different interpretations of the historical past and the process of construction of the argentine national identity. This process required contacts, confrontations and interchanges among different social groups and sectors, such as the lower classes, the intellectual and political elites, the marginal rural element and the new coming immigrants. The construction of the gaucho's image was a long process, extended from the first half of the 19th century until the peronist years. From the «heroic son of the earth» who stood up the Spanish conquerors during the Revolution of 1810, he became the «barbarian of the desert» through the discourse of the illuminated elite that, during the second half of the 19th century, undertook the national organization of the country, its fast modernization and the creation of «obedient citizens». During the same period, the popular culture provided a different aspect of the gaucho, especially through the figures of Martin Fierro and Juan Moreira: the gaucho now became the center of a large cultural phenomenon that was picturing the rural way of life, codified common experience and expectations and became a form of resistance to the process of modernization. Later, in the 1910s, the image of the «obedient» Martin Fierro was adopted by the cultural nationalism of the period and used as the symbol of the argentine national identity and as the incarnation of the argentine essence and soul. At last, the leftwing forces adopted the gaucho as the symbol of the oppressed social groups, whereas the nationalist movements of the 1930s used his image in order to support their revisioned interpretations about the national historical past.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Kostas E. Lambrinos, Nobles and Cittadini in the Community of Venetian Sitia. Social Fermentations and Rearrangements (late sixteenth-seventeenth century) This study highlights the community of upper social class in Sitia, a small town in eastern Crete, in the late period of the Venetian dominion. Using new evidence from the State Archives of Venice, the article examines unknown aspects of the topic, such as the social identity of the community council (the so-called consiglio della comunità), the political functions and the evolution of this body, its internal social rearrangements and its particularities by comparison with the community dynamics in the other Cretan towns. The archival data indicate that this socio-political organ played a central role in local public life, but had a secondary position within the Venetian political system. Regarding its social composition, the community originally consisted of nobles-feudatories, according to the model of strict social organization in the island under Venetian rule. However, multiple factors of crucial importance, such as the small number of nobles in Sitia, the inadequate fortification of the town and the increasing financial needs of this region, had a catalytic effect on the local social fabric and, consequently, on the structure of the community: in the early seventeenth century it lost its aristocratic profile and acquired characteristics, which differentiate it from the other community entities of Crete. This decisive evolution occurred with the social advancement of the cittadini. Τhis intermediate social group acquired, with the consent of the Venetian authorities, the right to participate in the community in order to meet government targets in this politically sensitive area of the island. Hereinafter the cittadini had an increasingly strong presence in the community processes, gained more social power and enjoyed privileges previously monopolized by the aristocracy.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Maria Papathanassiou, Illegitimate Children and Foster Children in the Eastern Alps: Research Directions and Perspectives This article deals with the history of illegitimate and foster children (usually also illegitimate) in the region of Eastern Alps (Austria) between the mid-18th and the early 20th centuries. During that period these childrens' number, though not stable, remained considerably high in absolute and relative terms. The paper discerns three basic trends in literature on the subject and comments on their results: a) Studies related to an international historical debate on bastardy in Europe and trying to explain impressive statistical data by pointing to social and economic factors, such as the domination of animal husbandry, the system of inheritance, the family system, labour organization and the so-called «agricultural revolution» in Europe. b) Studies on legislation, on official politics regarding single mothers and illegitimate or foster children, as well as studies on public institutions taking care of illegitimate children and their mothers from the second half of the 18th century on. Austrian law did not provide clearly for illegitimate children until the civil code was enacted in 1811 and only in 1919 a new law came into being regarding illegitimate and foster children together. c) Studies in a «history from below» direction, regarding people and their experiences but clearly not dominating the field in terms of numbers as well as analytical breadth. This essay suggests a more systematic approach in this last direction, particularly by comparing social groups, for example illegitimate children with peasant children, illegitimate children in rural with illegitimate children in urban environments, illegitimate foster children with other foster children in rural Austria, single mothers born and grown up as illegitimate children themselves with single mothers born and grown up as peasant daughters etc.

Δεν παρατίθεται περἰληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Lina Venturas – Dimitria Groutsis, The Cold War and international migration regulation: The establishment of the Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration The immediate post WWII period saw the establishment of the Inter-governmental Committee for European Migration (ICEM) (now International Organisation for Migration, IOM), as a key organisation in the management of post WWII migration. This paper examines the debates and policies surrounding the creation of the ICEM as an agent responsible for the facilitation and administration of labour migration from parts of Europe to a variety of overseas countries. At the conclusion of the Second World War, the problems surrounding 'surplus population' and unemployment in Europe were discussed in many international forums. It was from these discussions that a consensus emerged which saw emigration as a viable solution. To this end, in 1951, the International Labour Organisation convened a Migration Conference in Naples, bringing together key stakeholders. The Naples Conference failed, an outcome driven mainly by the US. The US was particularly concerned with economic stagnation and mounting social unrest related to the 'surplus population' in European countries in this Cold War period. At the same time however, it strived at limiting international influence over migration and refugee policies and on receiving countries retaining their sovereign immigration policies. In spite of the disagreements and through a process of negotiation, the US subsequently led the creation of an intergovernmental body, which was established at a conference convened in Brussels in 1951. This newly formed organisation, initially named the Provisional Intergovernmental Committee for the Movement of Migrants from Europe (PICMME), was open only to states with a 'liberal' political regime and had specifically designed functions based on inter-governmental negotiations. The US ensured its predominance in the organization through budgetary control and other means. In 1953, the PICMME became a permanent 'fixture' of migration regulation and was renamed the Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration (ICEM). Hereafter, ICEM offered operational and financial assistance for migrants' transportation, language training, reception facilities, settlement services and labour market placement.

Konstantinos Katsoudas, "A Dictatorship that is not a Dictatorship". Spanish Nationalists and the 4th of August The Spanish Civil War convulsed the international public opinion and prompted most foreign governments to take measures or even intervene in the conflict. Greek entanglement either in the form of smuggling war materiel or the participation of Greek volunteers in the International Brigades has already been investigated. However, little is known about a second dimension of this internationalization of the war: the peculiar forms that the antagonism between the two belligerent camps in foreign countries took. This paper, based mainly on Spanish archival sources, discusses some aspects of the activity developed in Greece by Franco's nationalists and the way Francoist diplomats and emissaries perceived the nature of an apparently similar regime, such as the dictatorship led by general Metaxas. The main objectives of the Francoist foreign policy were to avoid any escalation of the Spanish civil war into a world conflict, to secure international assistance for the right-wing forces and to undermine the legitimacy of the legal Republican government. In Greece, an informal diplomatic civil war broke out since Francoists occupied the Spanish Legation in Athens and Republicans took over the Consulate in Thessaloniki. The Francoists combined public and undercover activity: they worked hard to achieve an official recognition of their Estado Nuevo, while at the same time created rings of espionage and channels of anticommunist propaganda. The reason of their partial breakthroughs was that, contrary to their Republican enemies, the Nationalists enjoyed support by a significant part of the Greek political world, which was ideologically identified with their struggle. Francoist anti-communism had some interesting implications for Greek politics. An important issue was the Francoist effort to reveal a supposed Moscow-based conspiracy against Spain and Greece, both considered as hotbeds of revolution in the Mediterranean, in order to justify both Franco's extermination campaign and Metaxas' coup. Although this effort was based on fraudulent documents, forged by an anti-Bolshevik international organization, it became the cornerstone of Francoist and Metaxist propaganda. General Metaxas was the only European dictator to invoke the Spanish Civil War as a raison d'etre of his regime and often warned against the repetition of Spanish-like drama on Greek soil. Nevertheless he did not approve of Franco's methods and preferred Dr. Salazar's Portugal as an institutional model closer to his vision. For Spanish nationalist observers this was a sign of weakness. They interpreted events in Greece through the disfiguring mirror of their own historic experience: thus, although they never called in question Metaxas' authoritarian motives, the 4th of August regime was considered too mild and soft compared to Francoism (whose combativeness and fanaticism, as they suggested, the Greek General should have imitated); it reminded them the dictatorship founded in Spain by General Primo de Rivera in 1920s, whose inadequacy paved the way for the advent of the Republic and the emergence of sociopolitical radicalism. Incidents of the following years, as Greece moved towards a civil confrontation, seemed to strengthen their views. ; Konstantinos Katsoudas, "A Dictatorship that is not a Dictatorship". Spanish Nationalists and the 4th of AugustThe Spanish Civil War convulsed the international public opinion and prompted most foreign governments to take measures or even intervene in the conflict. Greek entanglement either in the form of smuggling war materiel or the participation of Greek volunteers in the International Brigades has already been investigated. However, little is known about a second dimension of this internationalization of the war: the peculiar forms that the antagonism between the two belligerent camps in foreign countries took. This paper, based mainly on Spanish archival sources, discusses some aspects of the activity developed in Greece by Franco's nationalists and the way Francoist diplomats and emissaries perceived the nature of an apparently similar regime, such as the dictatorship led by general Metaxas. The main objectives of the Francoist foreign policy were to avoid any escalation of the Spanish civil war into a world conflict, to secure international assistance for the right-wing forces and to undermine the legitimacy of the legal Republican government. In Greece, an informal diplomatic civil war broke out since Francoists occupied the Spanish Legation in Athens and Republicans took over the Consulate in Thessaloniki. The Francoists combined public and undercover activity: they worked hard to achieve an official recognition of their Estado Nuevo, while at the same time created rings of espionage and channels of anticommunist propaganda. The reason of their partial breakthroughs was that, contrary to their Republican enemies, the Nationalists enjoyed support by a significant part of the Greek political world, which was ideologically identified with their struggle. Francoist anti-communism had some interesting implications for Greek politics. An important issue was the Francoist effort to reveal a supposed Moscow-based conspiracy against Spain and Greece, both considered as hotbeds of revolution in the Mediterranean, in order to justify both Franco's extermination campaign and Metaxas' coup. Although this effort was based on fraudulent documents, forged by an anti-Bolshevik international organization, it became the cornerstone of Francoist and Metaxist propaganda. General Metaxas was the only European dictator to invoke the Spanish Civil War as a raison d'etre of his regime and often warned against the repetition of Spanish-like drama on Greek soil. Nevertheless he did not approve of Franco's methods and preferred Dr. Salazar's Portugal as an institutional model closer to his vision. For Spanish nationalist observers this was a sign of weakness. They interpreted events in Greece through the disfiguring mirror of their own historic experience: thus, although they never called in question Metaxas' authoritarian motives, the 4th of August regime was considered too mild and soft compared to Francoism (whose combativeness and fanaticism, as they suggested, the Greek General should have imitated); it reminded them the dictatorship founded in Spain by General Primo de Rivera in 1920s, whose inadequacy paved the way for the advent of the Republic and the emergence of sociopolitical radicalism. Incidents of the following years, as Greece moved towards a civil confrontation, seemed to strengthen their views.