Suchergebnisse

Trapelano da qualche mese notizie sulla negoziazione di un accordo di libero scambio fra Unione europea e Stati Uniti: il Trattato Transatlantico per il Commercio e gli Investimenti (TTIP). Il procedimento è circondato da un alone di segretezza: è democratica una gestione a porte chiuse, all'interno degli esecutivi, dove con le consultazioni si ovvia alla mancanza di discussione, partecipazione e trasparenza? Dopo una prima parte dell'intervento dedicata al commento delle procedure seguite, nei paragrafi successivi si esamina il contenuto del TTIP. In primo luogo si analizzano le linee di quella che si prospetta come una massiccia deregolamentazione, che potenzialmente incide, ed entra in collisione, con la tutela di diritti come la salute, l'ambiente e il lavoro. In secondo luogo, si ragiona degli effetti dell'introduzione del meccanismo di risoluzione delle controversie tra Stato e investitore, quale strumento di giustizia privata che rischia di eludere le ordinarie vie giurisdizionali e limitare la potestà normativa degli Stati. Il TTIP – si osserva in conclusione – pare inserirsi, con una buona dose di spregiudicatezza, nel percorso che, in senso opposto alla limitazione del potere del costituzionalismo, restringe gli spazi di sovranità popolare e commissaria gli Stati nel nome della sovranità dei mercati. Since a few months ago transpire news as regards trade partnership between European Union and United States: the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). The process is surrounded by secrecy: is democratic a management behind closed doors, within the executive, where consultations replace discussion, participation and transparency? On the content, first problem is the massive deregulation, which potentially affects the protection of rights such as health, environment and labor. Secondly, analysis on the effects of investor-State dispute settlement shows that this mechanism of private justice could evade ordinary legal remedies and limit State legislative powers. The TTIP - in short - seems to fit, unscrupulousy, in the path which, against constitutionalism, restricts the spaces of popular sovereignty and commissions the States in the name of market economy.

Questo articolo affronta i limiti opponibili alla partecipazione democratica nelle relazioni internazionali. Il tema vuole, dunque, a) fornire qualche precisazione sui nomi e sulle cose di cui si tratta, e quindi che cosa si intende per democrazia partecipativa, su quali principi si fonda e con quali meccanismi si attua; b) riassumere lo stato dell'arte in ordine, da un lato, alle modalità attraverso cui il fenomeno partecipativo si manifestato e, dall'altro, ai risultati ottenuti dalla pressione democratica che reclama trasparenza nelle negoziazioni in corso del TTIP; c) individuare nel gioco del bilanciamento degli interessi pubblici, quale interesse, tra quello relativo alla trasparenza e quello alla segretezza, prevale nelle relazioni internazionali europee di natura commerciale

We analyze the role of the State in social investment (education, health services, etc.), different from those in infrastructures. We do so because, in the current economic and social situation, this type of investment, in addition to strengthening the European social model, could be particularly effective in creating new jobs. To test the link between social investment and employment we modify the Paolo Sylos Labini's employment equation model (MOSYL), inserting in the model social investment instead of those in infrastructures. The quantitative implementation is based on Eurostat data for the 28 EU countries, and the results are encouraging: the employment rate is strongly influenced by factors outside the labor market, which affect not only the general economic environment (represented by GDP), but also by elements linked to the social context, concerning the new forms of welfare. Text of the speech given at the conference "Paolo Sylos Labini e la politica delle riforme", held at Sapienza University of Rome on 04 December 2015, organized by the Accademia dei Lincei with Economia Civile.

Social movements scholarship has increasingly turned to the study of direct social actions (DSAs) in times of economic hardship. This paper broadens this perspective to extreme right organisations. Combining a Political Claims Analysis of newspaper articles and online press releases, with a qualitative discussion of online propaganda material, we explore the engagement in direct social activism by three neo-fascist organisations in Italy: Forza Nuova, Fiamma Tricolore and CasaPound Italia (1996 -2015). Our findings suggest that their propensi-ty to direct social activism, rather than being exclusively related to economic distress, responds to a broad set of ideological, organisational and strategic incentives. Ideologically, DSAs are linked to the interpretation of the re-lationship between ideas and action of historical Fascism and of parts of the Italian neo-fascist tradition. Organi-sationally, DSAs serve as a tool to build support and solidarity, especially at the local level. Strategically, they are used to frame activism as a direct intervention in defence of interests of native peoples, and against political elites accused of being unresponsive to the needs of citizens. Our results offer a first empirical observation of the use of DSAs by extreme right actors, paving the way for comparative work at the cross-national level and on dif-ferent arenas of engagement

Social movements scholarship has increasingly turned to the study of direct social actions (DSAs) in times of economic hardship. This paper broadens this perspective to extreme right organisations. Combining a Political Claims Analysis of newspaper articles and online press releases, with a qualitative discussion of online propaganda material, we explore the engagement in direct social activism by three neo-fascist organisations in Italy: Forza Nuova, Fiamma Tricolore and CasaPound Italia (1996 -2015). Our findings suggest that their propensi-ty to direct social activism, rather than being exclusively related to economic distress, responds to a broad set of ideological, organisational and strategic incentives. Ideologically, DSAs are linked to the interpretation of the re-lationship between ideas and action of historical Fascism and of parts of the Italian neo-fascist tradition. Organi-sationally, DSAs serve as a tool to build support and solidarity, especially at the local level. Strategically, they are used to frame activism as a direct intervention in defence of interests of native peoples, and against political elites accused of being unresponsive to the needs of citizens. Our results offer a first empirical observation of the use of DSAs by extreme right actors, paving the way for comparative work at the cross-national level and on dif-ferent arenas of engagement

Social movements scholarship has increasingly turned to the study of direct social actions (DSAs) in times of economic hardship. This paper broadens this perspective to extreme right organisations. Combining a Political Claims Analysis of newspaper articles and online press releases, with a qualitative discussion of online propaganda material, we explore the engagement in direct social activism by three neo-fascist organisations in Italy: Forza Nuova, Fiamma Tricolore and CasaPound Italia (1996 -2015). Our findings suggest that their propensi-ty to direct social activism, rather than being exclusively related to economic distress, responds to a broad set of ideological, organisational and strategic incentives. Ideologically, DSAs are linked to the interpretation of the re-lationship between ideas and action of historical Fascism and of parts of the Italian neo-fascist tradition. Organi-sationally, DSAs serve as a tool to build support and solidarity, especially at the local level. Strategically, they are used to frame activism as a direct intervention in defence of interests of native peoples, and against political elites accused of being unresponsive to the needs of citizens. Our results offer a first empirical observation of the use of DSAs by extreme right actors, paving the way for comparative work at the cross-national level and on dif-ferent arenas of engagement

Questo lavoro si propone di analizzare la recente legislazione anti tabacco adottata dall'Australia, con la quale, inter alia, sono state imposte forti restrizioni riguardo al colore, alla forma e ai loghi dei pacchetti di sigarette. Conseguentemente, diverse controversie sono state proposte a livello nazionale ed internazionale, contestando la legittimità della legge sotto diversi profili giuridici. In particolare, si segnalano i procedimenti pendenti dinanzi all'Organizzazione Mondiale del Commercio e dinanzi ad un tribunale arbitrale ad hoc per gli investimenti. Il lavoro intende evidenziare i rapporti tra i diversi meccanismi di risoluzione delle controversie.