Direct and Indirect Effects of Housing Market Policies using an Augmented DiPasquale-Wheaton framework
In: Tidsskrift for boligforskning, Band 6, Heft 1, S. 4-29
ISSN: 2535-5988
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In: Tidsskrift for boligforskning, Band 6, Heft 1, S. 4-29
ISSN: 2535-5988
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 67, Heft 3, S. 381-412
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Torfing , J & Winsvold , M 2020 , Demokratiparadokset. Hvordan styre et folk som skal styre seg selv? i A Røiseland & S I Vabo (red) , Folkevalgt og politisk leder . Cappelen Damm Akademisk , Oslo , s. 120–145 . https://doi.org/10.23865/noasp.80.ch5
In this chapter we discuss what we have conceptualized as "the paradox of democracy", pointing to the conflict between the idea of the sovereign people on one side, and the idea that democracies need representatives and political leaders, on the other. The chapter gives an overview of democratic arrangements that encourage direct participation, including arrangements that feed into and support and arrangements that challenge the representative system. Furthermore, the chapter provides examples of arrangements that actively and intentionally link together representation and direct participation. Lastly, we discuss how the tension between participatory practices and representative democracy can be solved. In a brief and subsequent chapter, a Norwegian Mayor reflects on the conflict between representation and direct participation.
BASE
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 60, Heft 2, S. 139-162
ISSN: 0020-577X
Draws on the New Regionalism Approach (NRA) to analyze the political economy of the new regionalism in southern Africa in the post-Cold War & postapartheid era. The NRA challenges much of conventional wisdom in the field, which is seen as narrowly focused on intergovernmental regional organizations & intraregional trade. The analysis identifies four main types of regionalism in southern Africa, which to a large extent occur within the larger context of economic globalization, neoliberalism, & the retreat of the state: (1) open regionalism, (2) microregionalism, (3) private firms led regionalism, & (4) informal regionalism from below. Both open regionalism & microregionalism (as built around the concept of spatial development initiatives) seek to reinforce economic globalization & market integration, & attract foreign direct investment to bankable private investment projects. Together with the firms driven regionalism, which is constructed by & around large South African business enterprises, these three types of regionalism sustain a particular pattern of elite driven regionalism centered on economic growth, trade, & capital intensive projects in the formal economy, with little focus on development & poverty reduction. To a large extent, the myriad of activities included in informal regionalism from below emerges as a consequence of the negative & exclusionary effects of neoliberalism & the three types of elite driven regionalism. 47 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 72, Heft 1, S. 31-62
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 70, Heft 3, S. 353-361
ISSN: 0020-577X
There are many theories about how and why Norway the last fifty years has evolved from a be a relatively insignificant and poor peripheral European small state to a be an influential, wealthy and prosperous state. Many swear by the tale of ancestors who, through hard and selfless toil built ships, power plants and oil platforms. The official version is rather that the nation's democratic consensus agreed on successful and long-term savings and investment. Although I have mostly supporter of the theory that the last two generations of Norwegian primarily been adventurous lucky. Important trace template is now on progress can and will continue over the next decade, the international framework Norway wants - and what was privileged position can and should be used. Adapted from the source document.
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 66, Heft 1, S. 95-109
ISSN: 0020-577X
One in a series of articles on the topic of empires, this article briefly outlines the rise and fall of the Roman Empire. The article addresses the timing of formation of the Roman Empire and the emergence of imperialistic patterns. The maintenance of the empire is examined to identify political mechanisms or systems that supported the empire. Roman foreign policy is credited as an essential factor to maintaining the power of the Roman Empire. The article examines central institutions of power in the period of Augustus (BC 27 to AD 14) and Hadrian (AD 117 to AD 138). The articles' discussion of Augustus' rule include his extensive travels to establish relationships with local rulers that buffered Rome and reduced the cost of direct management and his investments in infrastructure such an advanced road system, which to an extent decreased the empire's reliance on military power and increased reliance on adherence to laws dictated by the Emperor. Identifying factors of an empire are identified, including military power, political cohesiveness, and an inherently hierarchical organization. The identifying factors of the Roman Empire are compared to the identifying factors of present-day Russia and the United States. References. E. Sundby
In: Sosiale og okonomiske studier 87
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 64, Heft 2, S. 227-244
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Arctic review on law and politics, Band 12, S. 167-171
ISSN: 2387-4562
On 1 April 2020, the Latvian fishing company SIA North Star and its owner Peteris Pildegovics initiated an investor-State arbitration against Norway (Peteris Pildegovics and SIA North Star v. Kingdom of Norway) at the International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID). This case is not only Norway's first ever ICSID case, but also the first publicly known investor-State arbitration in which an operator of a fishing vessel has brought a claim against a coastal State for allegedly unlawful exercise of prescriptive and enforcement jurisdiction in relation to fisheries. The case raises intricate questions concerning the limits of jurisdiction ratione materiae and jurisdiction ratione personae of investment tribunals.
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 64, Heft 1, S. 95-122
ISSN: 0020-577X
This article analyzes US & Chinese policy & strategy in the Middle East, with focus on energy resources, market, investment, & policy shaping. United States engagement in Iraq & other initiatives to control political conditions in the Middle East are here considered to be intimately connected with the US desire to stabilize oil supply. However, as US involvement in Iraq has failed to produce satisfactory results in terms of stability & security, & as the US appears ever more intent upon escalating conflict with Iran, the surety of American intention & outcome in the region remains highly tenuous. As such, China holds an extremely important position with regards not only to its friendly relationship with Iran, but also with its massive stake in the American economy. The race to secure international oil supply is traced here to illustrate the Middle East as the volatile supplier, the United States as a potentially zealous military & financial power, & China as a potential wildcard that can radically influence the developments of all actors in this conflict. References. C. Brunski
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 65, Heft 3, S. 103-106
ISSN: 0020-577X
West Africa has been an unstable region until the early 21st century, when the conflict levels reduced and democratic elections were held. The region is very resource rich and delivers up to 1/4 of United State's oil imports, making the region a good investment for Norwegian oil producing companies. Based on prior experience, Norway has built up a West African strategy that focuses on stability and development. L. Pitkaniemi
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 63, Heft 4, S. 433-436
ISSN: 0020-577X
This article prevents a historical summary of Norway's 1971 role in the normalization of relations between China & Thailand. Norwegian ambassador to Beijing Ole Alegrd met with Thailand's Foreign Affairs Minister Thanat Khoman, who made it known to Alegrdthat Thailand wished to have diplomatic relations with China. Alegrd's performance as diplomatic negotiator in this process is here described by former ambassador Sten Lundbo, who also reveals the effect that the UN General Assembly's resolution to invite China to assume a place in the UN. This development came then as a natural segue to invite China to participate in direct negotiation with Thailand. Diplomatic relations between the two countries were finally established in 1975, thanks largely to the Norway's diplomatic management of the situation, as is described in this article. C. Brunski
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 67, Heft 2, S. 231-242
ISSN: 0020-577X
Discusses what problems were present in the world economy on a macro and a micro level, how it resulted in the financial crisis and how the authorities were trying to intervene in order to stabilize the situation. On the macroeconomic level Americans bought cheep Asian goods while printing a lot of money, but inflation was kept at bay since the money was sent to Asia. The circle was complete when Americans lent the money back from Asia and speculated with it. On the microeconomic level structured investment vehicles (SIVs) and asset backed commercial paper (ABCP) created problems especially when they were combined with collateralized debt obligations (CDOs) and mortgage-backed securities (MBS). The boom turned into bust after 2006 when there were not enough house buyers left. L. Pitkaniemi
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 64, Heft 4, S. 509-532
ISSN: 0020-577X
In western China's Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region, development is characterized by a difficult political & social situation. Huge state investments, as well as the development of large oil & cotton industries, have led to economic growth & a standard of living that ranks among the highest of China's western provinces & regions. Despite this, groups among the region's inhabitants show great discontent with the Chinese administration. Separatism, terrorism, human rights violation & ruthless exploitation of the region's resources are equally important parts of Xinjiang's recent history as economic development & the improved standard of living. In the midst of this situation Xinjiang's Bingtuan, a group of state-run, formerly military, farming units, plays an important role as a regional development agent & as a Chinese controlling body. Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.