Suchergebnisse

Na temelju analize sadržaja, vrste i profila priloga u kulturnim rubrikama dvaju hrvatskih dnevnih listova, u članku se razmatra utjecaj promjene strukture vlasništva nad medijima na potencijal generiranja kritičke javne sfere i afirmaciju regionalnog karaktera kulture. Ovaj fokus analize odabran je u svjetlu teze da je uspješno uključivanje u globalizacijske procese moguće upravo natemelju postojanja snažnih lokalnih kulturnih identiteta. Analizirana su dva hrvatska regionalna dnevna lista s različitom vlasničkom strukturom, pri čemu je karakter priloga u području kulture poslužio kao indikator promjene uređivačke politike novina koja se događa s privatizacijom medija. Riječ je o prilozima u području kulture objavljivanim u splitskom dnevnom listu SlobodnaDalmacija godinu prije njegova prelaska u transnacionalno korporacijsko vlasništvo (2004.) i godinu nakon što se taj prelazak dogodio (2006.). U istim razdobljima analiziran je i riječki Novi list kao novina s drukčjim strukturom vlasništva.U slučaju Slobodne Dalmacije rezultati analize ukazuju na promjenu fokusa prezentiranih kulturnih tema s lokalno-regionalnog aspekta na teme nacionalnog i međunarodnog karaktera te smanjenje žanrova priloga s kritičkim potencijalom. U Novom listu koji nije promijenio vlasničku strukturu, u istraživanom je razdoblju uočen upravo obrnuti trend; promjena sadržaja s nacionalnim i međunarodnim kulturnim sadržajima na lokalne i regionalne teme, te zadržavanje kritičkog pristupa tim temama. Budući da je Novi list jedna od rijetkih dnevnih novina u Hrvatskoj koja nije u transnacionalnom korporacijskom vlasništvu, analizirani podaci upućuju na to da upravo izostanak takva vlasništva omogućava promicanje i razvoj kulturnih vrijednosti specifičnih za regiju te održavanje kritične lokalne javne sfere. ; Based on the content analysis of type and profile of articles in cultural sections of two Croatiandaily newspapers, this paper deals with the issue of changes in media ownership and the influencethese changes have on media as generators of critical public sphere and actors in fostering regionalcultural characteristics. This analitic focus is based on the hypothesis that successful integrationinto globalization processes is possible only if strong local cultural identity is present. TwoCroatian regional daily papers with different ownership structure were analysed. The characterof articles in cultural section was taken as an indicator of editoral politics change that came to lifewith media privatization processes. The analysis dealt with in articles Slobodna Dalmacija, dailynewspapers from Split, year before Slobodna Dalmacija came under transnational coorporateownership (2004.) and year after the change (2006.). Daily newspapers Novi List from Rijeka,was analysed in the same time frame, since Novi List has different ownership structure thanSlobodna Dalmacija.For Slobodna Dalmacija analysis reveils the change in forms of presented cultural themes fromlocal-regional aspect to national and international character along with fewer number of criticalarticles. In Novi List, that did not undergo an ownership change, trend is quite the opposite;articles content changes from national and international towards local and regional themes withno specific change in critical approach in published material. Since Novi List is one of the raredaily newspapers in Croatia that has no transnational coorporate ownership, analysed datasuggest that the absence of such ownership enables and promotes development of cultural valuesspecific for one region while maintaining critical local public sphere.

Gradska uprava u Varaždinu sastavljala je popise vlasnika fundusa za potrebe ubiranja redovnih i izvanrednih poreza i gradskih pristojbi. Iz druge polovice 17. stoljeća sačuvano je deset popisa od kojih je posljednji, iz 1698. godine, cjelovit, a ostali se odnose na pojedine gradske četvrti. Popisi također donose informacije o broju fundusa koje su posjedovali isusovci, pavlini, prelati, Varaždinski generalat i tridesetnica koji su, kao vlasnici gradskih zemljišta, također bili obavezni plaćati poreze. Porez se plaćao prema veličini fundusa. Analiza prosječne veličine posjeda potvrđuje da su tijekom druge polovice 17. stoljeća povećane ekonomske i socijalne razlike unutar gradskog društva. Stanovnici unutrašnjeg grada posjedovali su prosječno 1,5 - 2 fundusa, a u suburbijima 1,1 - 1,4. Na prosječnu veličinu posjeda utjecali su vlasnici većeg broja fundusa, samostani, Crkva, vojne i civilne službe Kraljevine, čiji broj fundusa raste posebno u unutrašnjem gradu. Oni posjeduju više od 20 posto gradskog zemljišta. Najveći pojedinačni vlasnici su isusovce. Većim brojem fundusa raspolažu također suci, senatori te plemstvo. U suburbijima pratimo suprotan proces, umjesto povećanja, postojeći fundusi se dijele na sve manje čestice. To je pokazatelj veće gustoće stanovanja u suburbijima, ali i sve većeg broja siromašnih građana čija je ekonomska snaga u padu. Uz analizu ekonomskih i socijalnih procesa u gradu popisi su izvor za procjenu broja stanovnika Varaždina krajem 17. stoljeća. Na temelju broja nastanjenih fundusa i prosječnog broja ukućana procijenjeno je da je krajem 17. stoljeća u gradu živjelo između 2850 i 3350 stanovnika. Popisi sadrže, uz ime i veličinu fundusa, informacije o smještaju, vrsti, kvaliteti zemljišta i iznosu plaćenog poreza ili pristojbe te je važan izvor za povijest katastra grada Varaždina. ; The city authorities in Varaždin compiled a number of lists of estate owners with the purpose of collecting the regular and supplementary taxes as well as other levies imposed by the city government. From the second half of the 17th century nine such records have been preserved, the last of which, dating from 1698, is a complete document, while the rest refer only to certain city areas. The records also provide information on the number of parcels owned by Jesuits, Pauline Fathers, prelates, members of the Varaždin Generalate, and customs offices, which, as owners of city parcels, were also required to pay taxes. The amount of these taxes depended on the size of their parcels. The analysis of the average size of estates shows that there is a noticeable economic and social divergence in the city during the second half of the 17th century. While the inner-city inhabitants owned 1.5 – 2 plots on average, in the suburbs the average estate size was between 1.1 and 1.4 plots. The average size of estates was affected by the owners of a larger number of plots, such as monasteries, the Church, and both military and civil services of the Kingdom. The number of their plots, particularly in the inner city is increasing and at the end of the 17th century they own more than twenty percent of city lands. The biggest individual owners are Jesuits. A larger number of plots is also owned by judges, senators and noblemen. In the suburbs, there is a completely different process at work. Instead of augmentation, the estates are being divided into smaller parcels of land. This proves a higher population density in the suburban areas, which resulted in an increased number of the poor and those citizens whose economic power is in decline. Besides allowing the analysis of the economic and social processes in the city, the records are a valuable source in estimating the number of inhabitants in Varaždin at the end of the 17th century. Taking into consideration the number of uninhabited plots and the average number of household members, between 2,850 and 3,350 inhabitants are estimated to have lived in Varaždin at that time. Except for the names and plot sizes, the records also contain the information on locations, types, quality of these lands and the amount of taxes and duties paid. They are therefore an important source in investigating the history of the land register of the city of Varaždin.

U ovom članku dajemo pregled nekih od ključnih promjena na tržištu čeških tiskanih medija nakon pada komunizma 1989. godine. Fokusirale smo se na promjene vlasništva te na utjecaj tih promjena na profesionalno novinarstvo. U 1990-ima strane medijske kompanije (pretežno njemačke i švicarske) ušle su na češko medijsko tržište te donijele model novinarstva koji je orijentiran na profit. Naše istraživanje koje je provedeno prije desetak godina bavilo se tim promjenama i njihovim utjecajem na profesionalno ponašanje novinara. U to vrijeme mnogi su novinari bili pod komercijalnim pritiscima. Ipak, sredinom 2010-ih, odlaskom stranih vlasnika tiskanih medija (osim jednoga) te pojavom lokalnih vlasnika, novinari su izrazili zabrinutost zbog uplitanja vlasnika medija u medijski sadržaj u političke svrhe. Također naglašavamo da novinari koje smo intervjuirale nisu iznosili svoje mišljenje o vladinom utjecaju na njihovo profesionalno djelovanje, primjerice putem medijske regulacije. ; In this article we map some of the key developments on the Czech print media market following the fall of communism in 1989. We focus on ownership changes and their impact on the conduct of professional journalism. In the 1990s foreign media companies (dominantly German and Swiss) entered the Czech media market and brought with them a profit-oriented model of journalism. Our research in the mid-2000s explored these changes and their impact on journalists' professional conduct. At the time journalists stressed commercial pressures, however, in the mid-2010s with the departure of foreign print media owners (except for one) and the emergence of local ones, journalists voiced concerns about interference in content for political purposes. We also note that the journalists we interviewed did not reflect on the influence of government on the conduct of their profession, for example, through media regulation.

The ownership structure is one of the determining factors in the development of all agricultures; Croatia's is not an exception to this rule. In the long run, the ownership structure is undoubtedly going to determine the direction of the development of the market-oriented Croatian agriculture. The process of building the ownership structure appropriate to the market economy is neither simple not fast, let alone cheap. An overnight change in the ownership structure is neither possible nor prudent. The existing ownership structure of Croatian agriculture is the result of a century & a half long historical development. Socioeconomic & political factors exerted a strong influence on the process of the ownership structure's formation. Today Croatia has an "atomized" estate of only 2.9 hectares. A century ago the average size of estates was 8 hectares. This fragmentation is a direct result of the agrarian reform & colonization in the second Yugoslavia when the land maximum was reduced to 10 hectares. The existing -- very unfavorable structure -- should be in the transitional period gradually adapted to the family economy as the basis of future development, which will be market-oriented, cost-effective, & profitable. 3 Tables, 23 References. Adapted from the source document.

Autori u radu daju osvrt na postanak i razvitak stanarskog prava, te presjek domaćih pravnih propisa koji su se odnosili na stanarsko pravo, kao i propisa kojima je izvršena pretvorba stambenih odnosa. Pišu o značaju stupanja na snagu Zakona o najmu, kada je prestalo stanarsko pravo osobama koje su to pravo stekle prema ranijim propisima te su one po sili zakona postale najmoprimci (u pravilu, zaštićeni najmoprimci). Podsjećaju da pitanja vezana uz pretvorbu iz stanarskog prava u vlasništvo na stanovima te brojni sudski sporovi koji su proizašli iz te materije još uvijek nisu, niti stvarna niti sudska, prošlost. Autori navode stajališta i praksu Ustavnog suda Republike Hrvatske, te Europskog suda za ljudska prava (ESLJP). Posebno ističu presudu ESLJP-a Statileo protiv Hrvatske, u kojoj je Europski sud uvažio činjenicu da su hrvatske vlasti tijekom tranzicije bile suočene s teškim zadatkom stvaranja ravnoteže između prava najmodavaca i zaštićenih najmoprimaca koji su stanovali u stanovima dugo vremena, te je zaključio da u konkretnom slučaju nije postojala pravedna raspodjela socijalnog i financijskog tereta koji je nastao kao posljedica reforme u stambenom sektoru. Umjesto toga, prema ocjeni ESLJP-a, na podnositelja je stavljen nerazmjeran i pretjerani pojedinačni teret, budući da je morao snositi većinu socijalnih i financijskih troškova stambenog zbrinjavanja zaštićene najmoprimke i njezine obitelji, zbog čega je ESLJP utvrdio povredu članka 1. Protokola br. 1. ; The authors of this paper provide an overview of the creation and development of tenancy rights, and of the domestic legislation dealing with tenancy rights, as well as legislation that was used to reform tenancy relations. They mention the significance of the enactment of the Lease of Flats Act, when tenancy rights were withdrawn from persons who were entitled to that right pursuant to earlier legislation, and consequently, they became lessees (tenants) by force of law (generally, protected lessees). The authors recall that issues related to the transformation of tenancy rights into ownership of flats and to the numerous court cases that followed from this matter have not yet become either general, or court, history. The authors cite the positions and case law of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Croatia, and of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR). They stress in particular the ECtHR judgment Statileo v. Croatia, where the ECtHR took into consideration the fact that the Croatian authorities during the transition were faced with the difficult task of striking a balance between the right of the lessor and that of protected lessees who had lived in the flats for a long time, and concluded that in the given case there was no fair distribution of the social and financial burden resulting from the reform of the housing sector. Rather, the ECtHR held that a disproportionate and excessive individual burden was placed on the applicant as landlord, as he was required to bear most of the social and financial costs of providing housing for the protected lessee and her family, due to which the ECtHR found a violation of Article 1 of Protocol no. 1.

The author analyzes the ambivalence of liberalism regarding political & economic freedoms. While classical liberals advocated individual freedom vs the aristocratic state, modern liberals advocate the controlled rule of the majority by means of the state & the law. Since their original idea of the freedom of private ownership led to the creation of boundless wealth, they have sought ways of limiting state ownership & establishing an intermediate category of ownership. However, the advocacy of intermediate ownership & intermediate state does not suffice for a success at the polls, so liberals have adopted the conservative concept of the protection of public good from the fury of private interests. Today's marginalization of liberal parties has not prevented liberal ideas to penetrate into the programs of all democratic parties. Hence, liberalism has become more of a cultural achievement & less of a viable political option. Adapted from the source document.

Since mid 1991, in the context of structuring the ethnic relations & statuses in Bosnia & Herzegovina, a great attention is being devoted to the country's internal territorial division in accordance with the ethnic principle. The leadership of the three peoples in Bosnia & Herzegovina, appealing to the size of "their own" ethnic territories, formulated incompatible & extremely conflicting ethno-territorial demands. The Serbs claimed that two thirds of the country's territory should belong to them, the Croats demanded one third, & the Muslims/Bosniaks, being unable to articulate a project of a unitary state, demanded one half. After its initial involvement in the attempts to find a solution to the crisis in the country, at the beginning of February 1992, the international community supported a proposal for a federal arrangement where the federal units would be established according to the ethnic principle. However, since the international community rightly considered the existing demands as exaggerated, it tried to find an objective method to determine the size of the ethnic units in order to achieve a fair distribution of the country's territory. For that purpose, it used "the ethnic map" made on the basis of the numbers of each people in the existing administrative units -- counties (opcine). After the break out of the war (1992-95), the significance of that map would diminish in the subsequent peace plans & territorial division that accompanied them. Still, most of the experts interested in the problems of Bosnia & Herzegovina consider the mentioned map, thanks to its initial popularization by the international community, as an adequate basis for determining the size of the "ethnic units" according to which one should measure the ethno territorial divisions created by the war. Those views had their share of influence on the interethnic relation in the Bosnia & Herzegovina, on the internal geopolitical relations, & even on the aspect of international relations that was influenced by the war in Bosnia. The article claims that this map gives a wrong idea about the real size of the ethnic territories in the country. Thus, it was wrong to consider the map as an adequate "politically correct" basis in determining the ethno territorial units, & it is also wrong to use it as a standard by which one should measure the ethno territorial results of the war in Bosnia. Adapted from the source document.

Utvrđen je model planske komasacije građevinskog zemljišta, a predstavlja jedno strukturno pravilo prostornog planiranja i doprinos je tehničkih znanosti u polju arhitekture i urbanizma. Primijenjena je empirijska i matematička metoda. Rezultati planske komasacije su kombinirani postupak primjene izraza jednadžbi i dijelova dokumenta plana prostornog uređenja u načinu sređivanja vlasništva u obuhvatu jedinstvene parcele. Sređivanje vlasništva uključuje diobu površina građevinskog zemljišta privatnog i javnog interesa. Zemljišta privatnog interesa se dijele na isto-namjenske površine. Pojedine isto-namjenske površine, primjenom jednadžbi i brojčanih podataka iz spomenutog plana se ravnomjerno oblikuju, položajno i veličinom vlasničkih komada zemljišta za parcelaciju i uknjižbu. Plansko zemljište javnog interesa se ravnomjerno iz površina suvlasništva odvaja za komunalne parcele, parcelira i knjiži za nadležno tijelo vlasti. ; The model of planned building land consolidation has been determined, representing a structural rule of spatial planning and technical sciences contribution to the field of architecture and urbanism. Empirical and mathematical methods were applied. The planned land consolidation results represent a combined process of application of expression of equations and of the parts of the spatial planning document regarding the manner in which ownership is arranged in the scope of a unique plot. Ownership arrangement includes even subdivision of building land surface areas of both private and public interests. Private interest land is divided into surface areas intended for the same purpose. Some of them are shaped, both location-wise and according to their size, into pieces of land in private ownership. Public interest land is, in one piece, taken out for communal plots and for the competent government authority. Following the adoption of the said planning document, the defined ownership pieces of land and, in some cases, also co-ownership ones are subdivided and entered into the Land Register and Land books.

The author shows the importance of Hobbes' political thought in formulating the modern state. His contractual argument did not become obsolete as his scientific method. Hobbes breaks from the Aristotelian & natural rights tradition, or rather, he gives the concept of natural right an entirely new meaning. In this context the state of nature, contract & state are logical constructs, & not concepts in direct causal relationship. Hobbes' contract is not just a contract about the system of government; it is what society begins with. The contract is only the ground for the formation of the sociability of the individual, if it is at the same time the ground for establishing the government. The author emphasizes that, just like Kant, Hobbes & Locke consider leaving the state of nature necessary, not simply because of pragmatic reasons, but because the state has to legitimate itself as a claim of pure practical reason. Therefore, the author, following Kant, holds that the duty towards civil society & state cannot be based in the context of Hobbes' & Locke's philosophy, because, although the creation of state can be seen as an act of prudence, that in itself does not show a real obligation to pass from the state of nature to the state of law. The author also notes Hobbes' error in constructing a state independent from ownership. Contrary to him, Kant reasonably & legally bases theory of property as decisive part of his contractualism & creates a philosophical & legal foundation for the philosophy of the state. References. Adapted from the source document.

This paper looks into the concession granted for the new commercial TV station that began broadcasting in May of 2004 on the former 3rd HTV channel. The author was a member of the tender-collecting body. She poses several related questions. In the first part of the paper, she examines the final decision concerning the concession grant in the light of the dubious quality of the so-called media laws in Croatia. In the second part she analyzes the role of the public media in relation to the rampant commercialization of programming. In the third part she looks into the new ownership relations on the media markets & the relentless ownership concentration. By granting this concession, Croatia became the 24th country in which the RTL, a branch of the media giant Bertelsmann AG, is broadcasting. The global trend of the emergence of the media empires has spread even to those markets that have only recently & after much struggle got rid of their former owner: the state. Where does this rise of the new centers of power lead to & what are their goals? 1 Table, 10 References. Adapted from the source document.

This paper looks into the concession granted for the new commercial TV station that began broadcasting in May of 2004 on the former 3rd HTV channel. The author was a member of the tender-collecting body. She poses several related questions. In the first part of the paper, she examines the final decision concerning the concession grant in the light of the dubious quality of the so-called media laws in Croatia. In the second part she analyzes the role of the public media in relation to the rampant commercialization of programming. In the third part she looks into the new ownership relations on the media markets & the relentless ownership concentration. By granting this concession, Croatia became the 24th country in which the RTL, a branch of the media giant Bertelsmann AG, is broadcasting. The global trend of the emergence of the media empires has spread even to those markets that have only recently & after much struggle got rid of their former owner: the state. Where does this rise of the new centers of power lead to & what are their goals? 1 Table, 10 References. Adapted from the source document.

The current trends in media industry (in the text referred to as concentration trend, diversification, globalization, & deregulation) bring up the question of the scope of classical liberal theory when faced with the challenges of new communication technologies. The convergence of the market & the capital, the interests from the point of view of ownership & the commercialization of mass media make up the contextual framework of the debate about certain limitations of the principles of classical liberal theory concerning freedom of the press & media in general. 1 Table, 10 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the deterioration of the professional standards in journalism both globally & nationally (in Croatia) in relation to the problem of the freedom of the media. It seems there is a vicious circle at work here: journalists often commit blunders & these mistakes are then used by the parties in power -- as well as by the media owners, often in collusion with these parties -- to restrict the freedom of the media. The author argues that due to the power wielded by the media today, their ownership should be transparent. Besides, the relations between the journalists & the media owners should be properly regulated, which might result in more responsible journalism. 8 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the deterioration of the professional standards in journalism both globally & nationally (in Croatia) in relation to the problem of the freedom of the media. It seems there is a vicious circle at work here: journalists often commit blunders & these mistakes are then used by the parties in power -- as well as by the media owners, often in collusion with these parties -- to restrict the freedom of the media. The author argues that due to the power wielded by the media today, their ownership should be transparent. Besides, the relations between the journalists & the media owners should be properly regulated, which might result in more responsible journalism. 8 References. Adapted from the source document.