On partisanship
In: Politics, Groups, and Identities, Band 1, Heft 3, S. 468-474
ISSN: 2156-5511
In: Politics, Groups, and Identities, Band 1, Heft 3, S. 468-474
ISSN: 2156-5511
In: Political studies: the journal of the Political Studies Association of the United Kingdom, Band 66, Heft 1, S. 192-208
ISSN: 1467-9248
Recent work on partisanship has highlighted the role of political parties in rendering democracy and justice widely accessible to citizens. In these recent works, a distinction is drawn between a contemporary conception of partisanship that focuses on fidelity to political parties and a classic conception that emphasises the importance of a civic ethos of active political engagement. I argue that these two conceptions of partisanship are not so disparate if we focus on the role of political parties in promoting civic commitment and contestation. More specifically, I show how a normative account of partisanship can contribute to a defence of a civic ethos of political commitment. I then argue that commitment leads to contestation among both partisans and non-partisans, and that polities lacking active contestation of political commitments are in one significant respect less well off than those societies where there is such contestation.
In: American politics research, Band 45, Heft 4, S. 673-691
ISSN: 1552-3373
This research examines the partisan inclinations of American Indians, a minority population with a complicated history with the U.S. government and American society. The empirical analyses identify Native Americans as preferring the Democratic Party over the Republican Party. The impact of being Native American on identification with the Democratic Party is sizable, equivalent to the effect for being Hispanic, Asian, or female. In addition, American Indians demonstrate a pronounced tendency to not affiliate with a major American political party. The higher incidence of non-identification among Native Americans likely results from the importance of their claims for sovereignty and, relatedly, living separate from much of American society. Unlike other broad-based social groups in American politics, Native Americans disseminate cues that reduce the tendency of their members to affiliate with a major political party.
In: Journal of political & military sociology, Band 34, Heft 2, S. 281-288
ISSN: 0047-2697
In: Marketing Science Frontiers Forthcoming
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Working paper
In: Northwestern University Law Review, Band 118, Heft 1
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In: Slovak journal of political sciences: the journal of University of Saint Cyril and Metodius in Trnava = Slovenská politologická revue, Band 16, Heft 2, S. 146-161
ISSN: 1335-9096
The balance of power between the legislative and executive branches of government in the United States has held firm despite the evolution of each branch. Moreover, as the primacy of one branch succumbed to the dominance of the other there remained a constant variable. Partisanship existed since the American founding, however, the importance of Congressional partisanship in the later half of the nineteenth century and rise of the imperial presidency in the twentieth century highlight the formidable challenges of divided government in the United States. The following paper utilizes rational choice theory in political science to explain decision making of American political leaders though inclusion of casual and descriptive examples highlight certain choices within
In: Public choice, Band 80, Heft 3-4, S. 371
ISSN: 0048-5829
In: Political methodology, Band 11, Heft 3-4, S. 143-166
ISSN: 0162-2021
In: Journal of east Asian studies, Band 7, Heft 2, S. 323-343
ISSN: 2234-6643
How do attachments to political parties among the mass publics of East Asia affect the process of democratization in the region? Analyses of the East Asia Barometer surveys reveal that partisanship motivates East Asians to endorse the democratic performance of their political system and embrace democracy as the best possible system of government. These findings accord, by and large, with the socialization, cognitive dissonance, and rational choice theories of partisanship.
In: Journal of east Asian studies, Band 7, Heft 2, S. 323-343
ISSN: 1598-2408
In: Publius: the journal of federalism, Band 9, Heft 3, S. 57-73
ISSN: 0048-5950
THIS ARTICLE RE-EXAMINES THE MEANING OF SOUTHERN PARTY LOYALTIES. DRAWING FROM SURVEY DATA GATHERED IN THE EARLY 1970S, IT IS ARGUED THAT THEORETICAL AND METHODOLOGICAL CONVENTIONS HAVE UNDERESTIMATED THE DEGREE TO WHICH INTRA-PARTY DIVISION IS MANIFESTED IN SOUTHERN PARTISAN PERCEPTIONS AND IDENTIFICATIONS.
In: Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft: wirtschaftspolitische Zeitschrift der Kammer für Arbeiter und Angestellte für Wien, Band 8, Heft 2, S. 519-533
ISSN: 0378-5130
Dem Begriff der "Parteilichkeit" (partisanship) ist in den Sozial- und Geschichtswissenschaften bislang weniger Beachtung geschenkt worden als dem der "Objektivität". Der Autor setzt sich in seinem Beitrag mit zwei Fragestellungen auseinander: die eine befaßt sich mit der politischen oder ideologischen Dimension des Forschungsprozesses und der Forschungsergebnisse, die andere mit den Schlüssen, die sich hieraus für die subjektive Einstellung bzw. das leitende Interesse des Wissenschaftlers ergeben. Am Beispiel des Verhältnisses von Wissenschaft und Partei in der Anfangsphase der UdSSR werden die Grenzen aufgezeigt, bis zu denen die Parteilichkeit noch wissenschaftliche legitimiert ist. Im Anschluß hieran wird dargelegt, welche Erkenntnisfortschritte und praktisch-politische Fortschritte die richtigverstandene Parteilichkeit von Wissenschaftlern hervorbrachte. Die Parteinahme von Wissenschaftlern kann demnach durchaus ein Mechanismus sein, neue Ideen, neue Fragestellungen an die Wissenschaft heranzutragen und so deren Selbstisolierung aufzuheben. Ein Verzicht auf Parteilichkeit würde für die Humanwissenschaften ein schweres Risiko bedeuten. (NG)
In: Publius: the journal of federalism
ISSN: 1747-7107