Partisanship and plane crashes: can partisanship drive conspiratorial beliefs?
In: East European politics, Band 38, Heft 2, S. 254-280
ISSN: 2159-9173
In: East European politics, Band 38, Heft 2, S. 254-280
ISSN: 2159-9173
World Affairs Online
In: East European politics, Band 38, Heft 2, S. 254-280
ISSN: 2159-9173
In: Journal of east Asian studies, Band 7, Heft 2, S. 275-293
ISSN: 2234-6643
This article compares partisanship across East Asian nations, with four indicators reflecting different dimensions of the concept. Across these indicators, partisanship in East Asian nations was found to be relatively weak compared with most Western democracies, reflecting the less institutionalized nature of their party systems. This could be caused by insufficient time to develop partisanship through mechanisms such as electoral experience and parental socialization. Further breakdowns of income, gender, age groups, and educational levels of partisans showed that more advanced democracies share a relatively uniform pattern across demographics, while young democracies in East Asia showed a more skewed distribution of partisan identifiers, unevenly distributed across income and gender groups. This pattern suggests partisanship is likely to start its development from certain segments of the population and then spread into other segments of the society as a party system becomes more institutionalized.
In: Critical review of international social and political philosophy: CRISPP, Band 17, Heft 3, S. 314-331
ISSN: 1743-8772
This study aimed to determine whether or not a correlation between independent expenditure levels and political partisanship in the US House of Representatives exists, using the Congressional sessions from before and after the Citizens United decision to determine if the decision had any effect on political partisanship. Multiple factors were tested to determine levels of correlation and to adjust for any potential exasperating factors. The study concluded that a very strong correlation exists between aggregate levels of independent expenditures and distance between average levels of partisanship for the parties. However, no causal relationship could be established from the data alone, though the causal mechanism was hypothesized for further research.
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In: American political science review, Band 90, Heft 3, S. 567-580
ISSN: 1537-5943
Despite extensive research on party identification, links between partisanship at the individual and aggregate level have largely been ignored. This leaves a gap in our understanding of the dynamics of aggregate partisanship. To remedy this, we identify a set of ideal types that capture the essential arguments made about individual-level party identification. We then combine the behavioral assumptions for each type with existing results on statistical aggregation to deduce the specific temporal pattern that each type implies for aggregate levels of partisanship. Using new diagnostic tests and a highly general time series model, we find that aggregate measures of partisanship from 1953 through 1992 are fractionally integrated. Our evidence that the effects of a shock to aggregate partisanship last for years—not months or decades—challenges previous work by party systems theorists and students of "macropartisanship." Our arguments and empirical evidence provide a conceptually richer and more precise basis for theories of issue evolution or endogenous preferences—in which partisanship plays a central role.
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In: The Review of Financial Studies, Volume 36, Issue 11, November 2023, Pages 4373–4416, https://doi.org/10.1093/rfs/hhad029
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In: Journal of east Asian studies, Band 7, Heft 2, S. 275-293
ISSN: 1598-2408
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In: Perspectives on politics, Band 22, Heft 1, S. 44-61
ISSN: 1541-0986
Partisanship structures mass politics by shaping the votes, policy views, and political perceptions of ordinary people. Even so, substantial shifts in partisanship can occur when elites signal clear differences on a political issue and attentive citizens update their views of party reputations. Mismatched partisans who strongly care about the issue respond by changing parties in a process of "issue evolution" when writ large. Others simply update their views to match their party in a "conflict extension" process. We build on these models by integrating the largely separate research strands of party issue ownership. Using sexual misconduct as a critical case study, we argue that partisan change can occur rapidly when party elites move strategically to take ownership of an issue, thereby clarifying differences between the parties. Using a quasi-experiment, a survey experiment, and data from dozens of national surveys, we find recent, rapid shifts in party reputations on #MeToo, views of the issue, party votes, and broader party support.