There is little need to point out the growing strength of the British Labor party. At the recent general elections, it achieved approximately one-third of both the House of Commons and the popular vote; and the fact that at the preceding election it had rolled up twenty-two per cent of the House and thirty per cent of the ballots proves that its recent achievement was not merely occasional. Throughout Great Britain there is thoughtful consideration as to whether Mr. J. Ramsay MacDonald will prove as able a prime minister as he proved a leader of His Majesty's Opposition.What may not be so widely appreciated is that the British Labor party is fundamentally, in fact no less than in theory, a socialist party. At its annual conference held in June, 1923, the following resolution was proposed:"This Conference … asserts that the supreme object of the Labour Party should be the supersession of Capitalism by the Socialist Commonwealth … ;" and with hundreds of delegates representing several million members, the resolution was passed unanimously. Indeed, as the chairman, Sidney Webb, remarked in putting the resolution to a vote, it was largely unnecessary, for everyone in Great Britain recognized that the British Labour party was a socialist movement.
Speech by B.A. Alejandro Carrillo at the meeting that took place at the National Theater in the evening of July 27, 1936. The aforementiones speech is etitled "la situación del proletariado de los Estados Unidos" (the situation of the proletariat in the United States). The typed version was done by Gregorio Martínez Dorantes. Within the speech, Alejandro Carrillo makes a review of the history of the proletarian movement in the United States since the Civil War, that is since the second half of the nineteenth century. It was in 1886 that the American worker movement was getting ready to fight against bourgeoisie. Since 1900, it started the industrial organization and until 1925, it was carried out a true revolution. Then, European and American immigration begun as well as a capitalist period. In 1905, it was organized the organization Industrial Workers of the World, a revolutionary group that fights for worker rights and tries to isolate honest revolutionary activists from the rest of the workers. This seems to be a wrong way to address the problem since they are detached from the worker multitude. It is also in 1905 when the first economic crisis takes place causing salary reductions and readjustment of workers. In 1913, a new crisis was beginning but it could be avoided thanks to the First World War because the United Sates replaced industry and commerce in Europe. The American Socialist Party was founded by Eugenio List against war and participation of the United States in the war. At the same time, the American Labor Federation, the biggest worker organization in the country, supported the war because it favored the economy and since then, it was the main allied of financial capitalism. In 1919, it broke out a strike of steel workers and it begun a persecution against worker movements, which are bloodily repressed as it happened in the state of Washington during a strike in September 1, 1927. Two important leaders were assassinated, Sacco and Vanzetti. In 1929, during the great crisis of the New York Stock Exchange, the American worker movement entered a period of strikes that extended across the country, which was a glorious period for the proletarian. In 1933, President Franklin D. Roosevelt took office decided to confront and overcome the crisis. He offers to workers the right to organize in unions and to get rights collectively that cannot be accomplished because the big companies are carrying out a persecution against those who want to make use of these rights. The economic crisis gets worse and it arises a division within the American Labor Federation. It arises a group led by William Green, who is the group's president and friend with Morones and Calles. He has a fascist tendency. It arises another group led by John Louis, who is concern about the national situation and is leading the progressive movement. He forms a Workers Front, which fights for industrial organization of workers against the labor union of Green. Carrillo makes a comparison between industrial and labor unions. The latter are in disadvantage since there are many labor unions for each industry. Moreover, if a union begins a strike, the rest of the factory keeps working. Louis realized said issue and was convinced of the need to have industrial unions so they could give support and strength to the strikes. The Mexican Workers Confederation is connected to Louis, since Green for being friend with Morones and Calles did not want to know of it. Finally, he criticizes Morones for his statements in Washington affirming that he left Mexico because there was a fascist government and he was a revolutionary man. He says that the authentic worker movements condemn Calles and Morones, and that the Mexican Workers Confederation is attentive to the actions of the American worker movement, which is in a significant period of its fight. / Discurso pronunciado por el Lic. Alejandro Carrillo, en el mitin que tuvo lugar en el Teatro nacional la noche del 27 de julio de 1936, titulado "La situación del proletariado de los Estados Unidos"; la versión taquigráfica es de Gregorio Martínez Dorantes. En el discurso, Alejandro Carrillo hace una revisión de la historia del movimiento proletario en Estados Unidos desde la Guerra Civil, es decir, desde la segunda mitad del siglo XIX. Es en 1886 cuando el movimiento obrero norteamericano se concientiza y se prepara para luchar contra la burguesía. A partir de 1900 se inicia la organización industrial y hasta 1925 se lleva a cabo una verdadera revolución; cuando se abrieron las puertas a la inmigración europea y americana, y se da en general un brillante periodo de desarrollo capitalista. Es en 1905 cuando se organiza el primer núcleo de lo que se conoce como Los Trabajadores Industriales del Mundo, agrupación revolucionaria que lucha por la causa obrera y que pretende aislar a los revolucionarios sinceros del resto de los trabajadores, errónea manera de enfocar el problema porque se desvincularon de la masa obrera. Es también en 1905 cuando ocurre la primera crisis económica con la consecuente reducción de salarios y reajustes de trabajadores. En 1913 se inició otra que se salvó gracias a la Primera Guerra Mundial, ya que Estados Unidos suplió a la industria y comercio europeos. Es contra la guerra y la participación de Estados Unidos en ella que se fundó el Partido Socialista Norteamericano por Eugenio List. A su vez, la Federación Americana del Trabajo, la mayor organización de trabajadores del país, apoyó la guerra porque favorecía la economía y es desde entonces la principal aliada del capitalismo financiero. En 1919 estalla la huelga del acero y una persecución contra los movimientos obreros reivindicadores del los derechos proletarios, que son reprimidos incluso sangrientamente como ocurrió en el estado de Washington durante la huelga general, dolorosamente reprimida el 1 de septiembre de 1927 en Boston, Masssachussetts, cuando son asesinados dos importantes líderes, Sacco y Vanzetti. En 1929 cuando la gran crisis, desencadenada por el ruidoso crack de la Bolsa de Valores de Nueva York, el movimiento obrero norteamericano entra en un periodo de huelgas que se extienden por todo el país, éste es un glorioso periodo para el proletariado. En 1933 llega a la Presidencia Franklin D. Roosevelt con su política del nuevo trato, decidido a afrontar y superar la crisis, y ofrece a los trabajadores el derecho de organizarse sindicalmente y de contratar colectivamente ofertas que no pueden cumplirse porque las grandes empresas inician una terrrible persecución en todo el país contra quienes deciden aprovechar estos derechos, y la crisis económica se agudiza hasta que en la Federación Americana del Trabajo surge una división; un grupo encabezado por William Green su presidente y compadre de Morones y Calles, de tendencias fascistas, y otro por John Louis, quien angustiado por la situación del país se pone al frente del movimiento progresista y forma un Frente Unico de Obreros que lucha por la organización industrial de los trabajadores contra la organización gremial de Green. Hace Carrillo una comparación entre los sindicatos industriales y los gremiales, estos últimos en desventaja porque son muchos los gremios que trabajan en cada industria y si entra a huelga un gremio el resto de la fábrica continúa trabajando; Louis se dio cuenta de ello y se convenció de la necesidad de contar con sindicatos industriales para darle mayor fuerza a la huelga. La Confederación de Trabajadores de México está vinculada con Louis, ya que Green por su amistad con Morones y Calles ni siquiera quiso recibirlos. Por último critica a Morones por sus recientes declaraciones en Washington en las que afirmó que había salido de México porque aquí existía un régimen fascista y él era revolucionario. Comenta que los auténticos núcleos de obreros progresistas repudian a Calles y a Morones y que la Confederación de Trabajadores de México está muy atenta a los movimientos de los trabajadores de la industria norteamericana que están en un muy importante momento de su lucha reivindicadora.
