Suchergebnisse

Artykuł opisuje najpopularniejsze wskaźniki (tzw. indeksy) oraz sposoby ich łączenia i interpretacji w politologicznych badaniach porównawczych. Przy ich pomocy analizować można wpływ systemu wyborczego na kształt struktury systemu partyjnego. Autor, na przykładzie mieszanych systemów wyborczych w Rosji i na Ukrainie oraz systemu proporcjonalnej reprezentacji w Polsce, przedstawia wpływ wybranych elementów systemów wyborczych na konfigurację systemów partyjnych mierzoną przy wykorzystaniu m.in efektywnej liczby partii politycznych. Zwraca także uwagę na poziom koncentracji systemu partyjnego jako jedną z konsekwencji systemu wyborczego. Artykuł weryfikuje wiele obiegowych poglądów na temat politycznych skutków systemów wyborczych oraz uczy jak przy pomocy metody indeksowej można weryfikować twierdzenia na temat wpływu poszczególnych elementów systemu wyborczego na system partyjny. Jednocześnie pokazuje jak interpretować uzyskane w toku badania wskazania indeksów. ; The article describes the most common indicators (so-called indices) and the methods of combining as well as interpreting them in the political science comparative studies. An employment of these indices allows the analysis of the impact of electoral systems on party ones. Using Russian and Ukrainian mixed electoral systems and Polish proportional representation as an example, the author expounds the impact of given elements of electoral systems on configuration of party systems. Proceeding so, he gauges the effects of the influence in question by deploying the so-called effective number of parties formula. The author points out that amongst others effects of this interconnection of systems there is also the impact on the concentration level of party systems. Additionally, this paper debunks a plethora of popular opinions concerning political effects of electoral systems and teaches how one can verify those opinions employing the index method and how to interpret the indices.

Publikacja współfinansowana przez Uniwersytet Śląski w Katowicach ; The presented book provides a comparative analysis of new political parties in the party systems of the Visegrad Group countries. The primary aim of analysis is to define the factors which have impact on gaining parliamentary representation by new parties in Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia. Research on new political parties in these countries seems to be especially important for at least two reasons. Firstly, due to differences in social and political conditions, it is impossible to uncritically adapt the theoretical models made in western democracies. This stems from short tradition of functioning of democratic institutions in Central and Eastern Europe (also in V4 countries) which shaped the specific pattern of emerging of new political parties, diametrically opposed to patterns formed in consolidated democracies. On the basis of this pattern, two types of groupings can be distinguished: Old Regime parties and New Regime parties. The first type has personal or organizational ties to the previous communist regime, while the second one descends from anti-communist opposition. Secondly, in the case of the former Eastern bloc, indicators describing the party systems (e.g the electoral volatility index or the effective number of parties) do not provide full information about their real dynamics, because in conditions of weak institutionalization of political parties, changes in configuration on the political scene usually occur within the party system (as a result of mergers, splits or transformations of political parties). For this reason, it is worth analysing changes in the parliamentary arena resulting from the transfer of electoral preferences to new extra-parliamentary political entities.

The paper offers a thorough analysis of the main types of party systems and their changes in the post-Soviet countries between 1992 and 2019. The evolution of the main criteria concerning the party systems classification has been analyzed. We use a database of all parliamentary elections which took place in the post-communist countries since 1992. This article concludes that the majority of party systems of the post-Soviet countries are not stable and suffering permanent changes. On this basis, 16 party systems that continue to exist in the post-communist countries from 1992 to 2019 are almost half-assigned to the predominant party types. Our findings indicate that Kyrgyzstan and Moldova have moved from a predominant party type to a multiparty type. Russia, Armenia, and Ukraine have changed their party systems from a multiparty type to a predominant party type. Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and Tajikistan remain in the predominant party system since the first elections. Slovakia, the Czech Republic and the Baltic countries have remained in the multiparty types since the first elections.

Na przestrzeni ostatnich dwóch dekad możemy obserwować wyraźny wzrost znaczenia regionalnych i etnicznych tożsamości, prowadzący do powstawania coraz większej liczby ugrupowań etnoregionalnych i regionalnych. Mimo to – podobnie jak w przypadku wielu innych, istotnych i aktualnych współcześnie zjawisk społecznych – zdania badaczy w kwestii przyczyn reetnicyzacji systemów partyjnych, funkcjonowania partii etnoregionalnych, ich typów czy relacji z demokracją pozostają podzielone. Celem artykułu jest przybliżenie toczącej się w tym zakresie dyskusji oraz zaprezentowanie na jej tle wstępnych wyników badań dotyczących funkcjonowania wybranych ugrupowań etnoregionalnych w Serbii i Chorwacji. ; The author carries out an analysis of the functioning of ethnoregionalist parties in Serbia and Croatia in relation to the theoretical principles presented in the paper and pertaining to the activities of ethnoregionalist parties (ERP). The paper aims to shed some light on the discussion on this topic and present the results of preliminary research into the functioning of selected ethnoregionlist groups in these two countries. The author believes that parties of this kind are changing both their postulates and strategies. Changes to the strategies of ethnoregionalist parties are significantly influenced by the policy of the state towards the minorities that reside in its territory and the policy of their respective native states.

Na przestrzeni ostatnich dwóch dekad możemy obserwować wyraźny wzrost znaczenia regionalnych i etnicznych tożsamości, prowadzący do powstawania coraz większej liczby ugrupowań etnoregionalnych i regionalnych. Mimo to – podobnie jak w przypadku wielu innych, istotnych i aktualnych współcześnie zjawisk społecznych – zdania badaczy w kwestii przyczyn reetnicyzacji systemów partyjnych, funkcjonowania partii etnoregionalnych, ich typów czy relacji z demokracją pozostają podzielone. Celem artykułu jest przybliżenie toczącej się w tym zakresie dyskusji oraz zaprezentowanie na jej tle wstępnych wyników badań dotyczących funkcjonowania wybranych ugrupowań etnoregionalnych w Serbii i Chorwacji. S ; The author carries out an analysis of the functioning of ethnoregionalist parties in Serbia and Croatia in relation to the theoretical principles presented in the paper and pertaining to the activities of ethnoregionalist parties (ERP). The paper aims to shed some light on the discussion on this topic and present the results of preliminary research into the functioning of selected ethnoregionlist groups in these two countries. The author believes that parties of this kind are changing both their postulates and strategies. Changes to the strategies of ethnoregionalist parties are significantly influenced by the policy of the state towards the minorities that reside in its territory and the policy of their respective native states.

In the period 2008–2011, twelve parliamentary elections were held in eight Central and East European states. Their results demonstrated the decreasing importance of green parties on the political stage in this part of Europe. The author of this paper tries to translate the concept developed by Allan Sikk and Rune Holmgaard Andersen, concerning the evolution of Estonian green parties, to party systems in CEE states. The paper also discusses the evolution of the status of green parties and their probable placement in party systems following the nearest parliamentary elections. ; In the period 2008–2011, twelve parliamentary elections were held in eight Central and East European states. Their results demonstrated the decreasing importance of green parties on the political stage in this part of Europe. The author of this paper tries to translate the concept developed by Allan Sikk and Rune Holmgaard Andersen, concerning the evolution of Estonian green parties, to party systems in CEE states. The paper also discusses the evolution of the status of green parties and their probable placement in party systems following the nearest parliamentary elections.

Czech and Hungarian Right: ODS and Fidesz in the party systems. An attempt of qualitative and quantitative analysis The analysis of article touches the strength and position that characterize the dominant rightist parties in the Czech Republic (ODS) and Hungary (Fidesz). There are three parts in the narrative structure of the article. The first one is connected with qualitative side of the proces of birth, development and contemporary situation of ODS and Fidesz. The second one refers the two parties to their native systems of parties. The third one takes quantitative analysis of the two parties' influence on public life: index of party participation in governments, index of governmental responsibility of a party and index of electoral support measured during parliamentary elections (takes into account a position of a party inside a family of conservative and Christian‑democratic parties as well). The role of ODS and Fidesz in the party systems of the Czech Republic and Hungary comes from the party strategic behaviour and programs and from the surrounding environment (other parties, institutions etc.). These factors are complementary and influence high position of Fidesz and low of ODS nowadays.

The article discusses the findings of the multilevel government school (MLG) which has been advancing since the beginning of the 21st century, studying regional elections. The concept defining regional elections as second-order elections has been recognized as critical, although it is reformulated by the MLG school to respond to changes in modern regional politics in Europe. Important recent political developments include the entrenchment of regional governments, the increase in the number of electoral appointments, expanded competencies of voters, the rise of non-state-wide parties and the empowerment of sub-national organizational levels of parties. Current MLG research focuses on identifying and explaining the cases where second-order election predictions do not appear to hold for regional elections, identifying states where it is still the case and, finally, identifying factors that increase or decrease this effect. An interesting theoretical development regarding regional elections as second-order elections is that this concept is supplemented and enriched by the theories of regional authority and territorial cleavages. The final part of the article reviews studies on regional elections and the applicability of the second-order concept to Central and Eastern European countries.

Political parties rooted in a non-democratic system have become a significant element of party systems in Poland, the Czech Republic and Hungary, where they have taken an active part in the transformation process. The paper assesses the significance of these types of groupings for the construction of a new democratic system by means of a comparison of four members of the Vysehrad Group. The ideological profiles of these parties and their position in the party arena are defined. Finally, an attempt is made to answer the question of how these groupings have adapted to the new democratic system, why some of them continue to play a crucial role in politics even today, while others are found somewhere on the outskirts of political life. The author's interests focus on the successors of those groupings that held full power before 1989: the Democratic Left Alliance in Poland, the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia in the Czech Republic, the Party of the Democratic Left in Slovakia, and the Hungarian Socialist Party. The example of the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia is of particular interest here as this is the only party that has not fundamentally changed its ideological profile and continues in isolation from other Czech groupings. At the same time, for twenty years, this same party has come third in the national elections, and even second in the European elections. ; Political parties rooted in a non-democratic system have become a significant element of party systems in Poland, the Czech Republic and Hungary, where they have taken an active part in the transformation process. The paper assesses the significance of these types of groupings for the construction of a new democratic system by means of a comparison of four members of the Vysehrad Group. The ideological profiles of these parties and their position in the party arena are defined. Finally, an attempt is made to answer the question of how these groupings have adapted to the new democratic system, why some of them continue to play a crucial role in politics even today, while others are found somewhere on the outskirts of political life. The author's interests focus on the successors of those groupings that held full power before 1989: the Democratic Left Alliance in Poland, the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia in the Czech Republic, the Party of the Democratic Left in Slovakia, and the Hungarian Socialist Party. The example of the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia is of particular interest here as this is the only party that has not fundamentally changed its ideological profile and continues in isolation from other Czech groupings. At the same time, for twenty years, this same party has come third in the national elections, and even second in the European elections.

Political parties rooted in a non-democratic system have become a significant element of party systems in Poland, the Czech Republic and Hungary, where they have taken an active part in the transformation process. The paper assesses the significance of these types of groupings for the construction of a new democratic system by means of a comparison of four members of the Vysehrad Group. The ideological profiles of these parties and their position in the party arena are defined. Finally, an attempt is made to answer the question of how these groupings have adapted to the new democratic system, why some of them continue to play a crucial role in politics even today, while others are found somewhere on the outskirts of political life. The author's interests focus on the successors of those groupings that held full power before 1989: the Democratic Left Alliance in Poland, the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia in the Czech Republic, the Party of the Democratic Left in Slovakia, and the Hungarian Socialist Party. The example of the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia is of particular interest here as this is the only party that has not fundamentally changed its ideological profile and continues in isolation from other Czech groupings. At the same time, for twenty years, this same party has come third in the national elections, and even second in the European elections.

Artykuł ten przedstawia dorobek intensywnie rozwijającej się od początku XXI wieku, w badaniach nad wyborami regionalnymi, perspektywy rządzenia wielopoziomowego. Perspektywa ta, odwołuje się do koncepcji wyborów regionalnych jako wyborów drugorzędnych, jednak modyfikuje ją, wskazując na przeobrażenia zachodzące we współczesnej polityce regionalnej w Europie (wzmocnienie władz regionalnych [regional government], zwiększenie liczby stanowisk politycznych, które obsadzane są w drodze wyborów, większe kompetencje wyborców, wzrost liczby partii regionalnych i decentralizacja struktur partyjnych). Prace badawcze prowadzone w ramach tej perspektywy zmierzają do udokumentowania i wyjaśnienia przypadków niepotwierdzających modelu drugorzędności oraz wyodrębnienia krajów, w których jest ona nadal obserwowalna i ustalenia czynników wzmacniających ją lub osłabiających. W warstwie teoretycznej, przy opisie wyborów regionalnych, koncepcja wyborów drugorzędnych wzbogacana i uzupełniana jest o dwie inne koncepcje, odwołujące się do zakresu sprawstwa władz regionalnych i podziałów terytorialnych. Artykuł zakończy zaprezentowanie badań nad wyborami w Europie Środkowowschodniej. ; The article discusses the findings of the multilevel government school (MLG) which has been advancing since the beginning of the 21st century, studying regional elections. The concept defining regional elections as second-order elections has been recognized as critical, although it is reformulated by the MLG school to respond to changes in modern regional politics in Europe. Important recent political developments include the entrenchment of regional governments, the increase in the number of electoral appointments, expanded competencies of voters, the rise of non-state-wide parties and the empowerment of sub-national organizational levels of parties. Current MLG research focuses on identifying and explaining the cases where second-order election predictions do not appear to hold for regional elections, identifying states where it is still the case and, finally, identifying factors that increase or decrease this effect. An interesting theoretical development regarding regional elections as second-order elections is that this concept is supplemented and enriched by the theories of regional authority and territorial cleavages. The final part of the article reviews studies on regional elections and the applicability of the second-order concept to Central and Eastern European countries.

Przedmiotem artykułu są pokomunistyczne przemiany ustrojowe rozpatrywane w perspektywie politologii i ekonomii politycznej konstytucjonalizmu. Pierwsza część dotyczy występujących w literaturze założeń teoretycznych oraz hipotez empirycznych. Nacisk położono na wybór typu rządów, rodzaju ordynacji wyborczej i organizacji pionowej państwa. Część druga proponuje model teoretyczny służący wyjaśnieniu dróg przemian ustrojowych i ich skutków. Zawiera on czynniki wewnętrzne i zewnętrzne. Wśród pierwszych główną rolę odgrywa stopień zdominowania społeczeństwa przez komunistyczne monopaństwo: im jest większy, tym wyższe prawdopodobieństwo ustroju autorytarnego. Czynnik zewnętrzny to położenie kraju w stosunku do Zachodu (Bruksela) lub Wschodu (Moskwa): bliskość Moskwy podnosi prawdopodobieństwo opcji autorytarnej. Analiza strategii przemian ustrojowych skupia się na wyborze typu rządów oraz ordynacji wyborczej. Efekty transformacji mierzone są za pomocą zagregowanego indeksu ustroju politycznego. Uzyskane rezultaty odbiegają od przewidywanych na podstawie teorii przedstawionej w pierwszej części artykułu.JEL: A10; A12; B25; P10; P20; P21; P30 ; While there is a wealth of studies on selected aspects of economic and political transitions from communism, there are few, if any, analyses of the emergence of new political orders in terms of constitutional engineering, i.e. the adoption of the meta-rules governing the rules defining both the political structure and determining underpinnings of the ordinary law-making process. The paper begins with the review of menu of institutional choices related to type of government, electoral system and vertical organisation of the state and their impact on performance as reported in political science and constitutional political economy literature. It is posited that the binary outcome: democracy vs. autocracy is a function of two variables assuming two values: society (weak vs. autonomous sovereign citizen) and communist establishment (strong vs. weak). A strong communist state at the initial state of transition produces autocratic outcomes although proximity to Brussels may change political trajectory whereas a strong autonomous society generates trajectory leading to democracy. Surprisingly, the choice of the rules of political game bore little resemblance to what literature might suggest: ordinary political struggle has determinedthe choice of institutions with constitutions as a legal act being the result rather than a product of conscientious intellectual design.JEL: A10; A12; B25; P10; P20; P21; P30

Tematyką artykułu jest narastające dynamicznie zjawisko eurosceptycyzmu, reprezentowane przez partie polityczne dwóch najważniejszych członków UE: Republiki Federalnej Niemiec i Wielkiej Brytanii. Celem pracy jest pokazanie genezy, analiza założeń, struktur i programów dwóch partii eurosceptycznych - AfD oraz UKIP, działających ofensywnie zarówno na krajowej, jak i europejskiej scenie politycznej. Ukazano je na tle otoczenia politycznego, analizując jego systemy partyjne i czynniki mające wpływ na ewolucję "buntu obywateli" wobec systemu wspólnotowego. Autor próbuje odpowiedzieć na pytania, czy omówione partie są w stanie wpłynąć w sposób bezpośredni na dotychczasową politykę europejską tych dwóch państw i zmienić perspektywę UE na najbliższe lata. ; The subject of the paper is the dynamically expanding phenomenon of euroscepticism, which is represented by the political parties of the two most important EU members: the Federal Republic of Germany and the UK. The aim of the study is to show the origins and analyse the assumptions, structures and programmes of these two eurosceptic parties - AfD and UKIP, which are highly active both on their respective national stages and on the European political arena. They are shown against the background of their political environment, analysing the party systems and the factors affecting the evolution of the 'revolt of citizens' against the Community system. The author tries to answer the questions of whether these two parties are able to influence the current European policy of their respective countries directly and change the EU perspective in the next few years.

Due to the social and economic costs the problem of climate change has recently become one of the factors which antagonizes or merges national political systems and their entities. The case of Norway as a leading European producer and exporter of oil and gas seems to deserve particular attention. Although the main political actors in the country, such as the Norwegian Labour Party (DnA), the Conservative Party of Norway (H), the Socialist Left Party (SV), the People's Christian Party (Kr.F), the Centre Party (S) and the Liberal Party (V) have quite similar ideas about the major objectives of the national climate policy, their opinions differ in operational matters. The position of the Progress Party (Fr.P) is an important exception to the approach towards the discussed issue. This article aims to analyse the programme assumptions about the climate policy and climate protection of all parliamentary groups and assess their practical implementation in the past decade.

Artykuł prezentuje problem integracji Polskiej z Unią Europejską przez pryzmat dychotomii przełomu lat 2015–2016. Pierwszą kwestią, którą w nim poruszono to dążenie Polski do połączenia się z systemem euroatlantyckim po odzyskaniu suwerenności politycznej w roku 1989. Wydawać by się mogło, że uzyskano w tej kwestii wielki sukces, który miał być wyznacznikiem polskiej polityki zagranicznej na XXI wiek. Było to przyjęcie naszego kraju do NATO 12 marca 1999 roku, a następnie akcesja do Unii Europejskiej w 2004 roku po kilkunastu latach starań i przygotowań. Okres taki trwał 11 lat do momentu przejęcia władzy przez PiS w wyborach październikowych 2015 roku. ; The article presents the issue of Poland's integration with the European Union through the prism of the dichotomy encountered at the turn of 2015–2016. The first point it raises is Poland's desire to join the Euro-Atlantic system after regaining its political sovereignty in 1989. It would seem that great success was achieved in this matter, which was to determine Poland's foreign policy for the 21st century. Poland was accepted into NATO on March 12, 1999, and joined the European Union in 2004 after several years of effort and preparations. This attitude prevailed for 11 years until the PiS political party took power in the October 2015 elections.