Negotiating peace agreements in internal conflicts: What Perspectives?
In: Négociations, Band 33, Heft 1, S. 41
ISSN: 1782-1452
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In: Négociations, Band 33, Heft 1, S. 41
ISSN: 1782-1452
In: Négociations, Band 11, Heft 1, S. 43
ISSN: 1782-1452
In: Études internationales, Band 27, Heft 2, S. 448
ISSN: 1703-7891
International audience ; Since the fall of the Siad Barre regime in 1991, the Somali state has disappeared and given way to a long-lasting civil war that has allowed the rise of jihadist groups. The transition process started in 2004 officially ended in 2012 with the establishment of the Federal Government of Somalia. However, the foundations of reconstruction and reconciliation were not laid by this government resulting from a contested electoral process and which failed to put in place the administrations essential to the functioning of the State beyond the capital. This had the effect of prolonging conflict between the clans and allowed al-Shabaab to gain prominence. The election of President Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed in 2017 did not accelerate the overhaul of political institutions, still governed by a provisional constitution. Following these elections, al-Shabaab carried out several attacks against government and public service targets with the aim of destabilizing and discrediting the government. In addition, civil unrest regularly agitates the country, leading to often violent protests, and the food crisis and military operations have led to the displacement of thousands of people, which allows criminal gangs to flourish. ; Depuis la chute du régime de Siad Barre en 1991, l'Etat somalien a disparu et laissé place à une guerre civile de longue durée ayant permis la montée de groupes djihadistes. Le processus de transition entamé en 2004 se termine officiellement en 2012 avec l'instauration du Gouvernement Fédéral de Somalie. Seulement, les bases de la reconstruction et de la réconciliation n'ont pas été posées par ce gouvernement issu d'un processus électoral contesté et qui n'a pas su remettre en place les administrations indispensables au fonctionnement de l'Etat au-delà de la capitale. Cela a eu pour effet de prolonger les conflits entre les clans et a permis à al-Shabaab de prendre de l'importance. L'élection du Président Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed en 2017 n'a pas accéléré la refonte des institutions ...
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International audience Since the fall of the Siad Barre regime in 1991, the Somali state has disappeared and given way to a long-lasting civil war that has allowed the rise of jihadist groups. The transition process started in 2004 officially ended in 2012 with the establishment of the Federal Government of Somalia. However, the foundations of reconstruction and reconciliation were not laid by this government resulting from a contested electoral process and which failed to put in place the administrations essential to the functioning of the State beyond the capital. This had the effect of prolonging conflict between the clans and allowed al-Shabaab to gain prominence. The election of President Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed in 2017 did not accelerate the overhaul of political institutions, still governed by a provisional constitution. Following these elections, al-Shabaab carried out several attacks against government and public service targets with the aim of destabilizing and discrediting the government. In addition, civil unrest regularly agitates the country, leading to often violent protests, and the food crisis and military operations have led to the displacement of thousands of people, which allows criminal gangs to flourish. ; Depuis la chute du régime de Siad Barre en 1991, l'Etat somalien a disparu et laissé place à une guerre civile de longue durée ayant permis la montée de groupes djihadistes. Le processus de transition entamé en 2004 se termine officiellement en 2012 avec l'instauration du Gouvernement Fédéral de Somalie. Seulement, les bases de la reconstruction et de la réconciliation n'ont pas été posées par ce gouvernement issu d'un processus électoral contesté et qui n'a pas su remettre en place les administrations indispensables au fonctionnement de l'Etat au-delà de la capitale. Cela a eu pour effet de prolonger les conflits entre les clans et a permis à al-Shabaab de prendre de l'importance. L'élection du Président Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed en 2017 n'a pas accéléré la refonte des institutions ...
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International audience ; Since the fall of the Siad Barre regime in 1991, the Somali state has disappeared and given way to a long-lasting civil war that has allowed the rise of jihadist groups. The transition process started in 2004 officially ended in 2012 with the establishment of the Federal Government of Somalia. However, the foundations of reconstruction and reconciliation were not laid by this government resulting from a contested electoral process and which failed to put in place the administrations essential to the functioning of the State beyond the capital. This had the effect of prolonging conflict between the clans and allowed al-Shabaab to gain prominence. The election of President Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed in 2017 did not accelerate the overhaul of political institutions, still governed by a provisional constitution. Following these elections, al-Shabaab carried out several attacks against government and public service targets with the aim of destabilizing and discrediting the government. In addition, civil unrest regularly agitates the country, leading to often violent protests, and the food crisis and military operations have led to the displacement of thousands of people, which allows criminal gangs to flourish. ; Depuis la chute du régime de Siad Barre en 1991, l'Etat somalien a disparu et laissé place à une guerre civile de longue durée ayant permis la montée de groupes djihadistes. Le processus de transition entamé en 2004 se termine officiellement en 2012 avec l'instauration du Gouvernement Fédéral de Somalie. Seulement, les bases de la reconstruction et de la réconciliation n'ont pas été posées par ce gouvernement issu d'un processus électoral contesté et qui n'a pas su remettre en place les administrations indispensables au fonctionnement de l'Etat au-delà de la capitale. Cela a eu pour effet de prolonger les conflits entre les clans et a permis à al-Shabaab de prendre de l'importance. L'élection du Président Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed en 2017 n'a pas accéléré la refonte des institutions ...
BASE
International audience ; Since the fall of the Siad Barre regime in 1991, the Somali state has disappeared and given way to a long-lasting civil war that has allowed the rise of jihadist groups. The transition process started in 2004 officially ended in 2012 with the establishment of the Federal Government of Somalia. However, the foundations of reconstruction and reconciliation were not laid by this government resulting from a contested electoral process and which failed to put in place the administrations essential to the functioning of the State beyond the capital. This had the effect of prolonging conflict between the clans and allowed al-Shabaab to gain prominence. The election of President Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed in 2017 did not accelerate the overhaul of political institutions, still governed by a provisional constitution. Following these elections, al-Shabaab carried out several attacks against government and public service targets with the aim of destabilizing and discrediting the government. In addition, civil unrest regularly agitates the country, leading to often violent protests, and the food crisis and military operations have led to the displacement of thousands of people, which allows criminal gangs to flourish. ; Depuis la chute du régime de Siad Barre en 1991, l'Etat somalien a disparu et laissé place à une guerre civile de longue durée ayant permis la montée de groupes djihadistes. Le processus de transition entamé en 2004 se termine officiellement en 2012 avec l'instauration du Gouvernement Fédéral de Somalie. Seulement, les bases de la reconstruction et de la réconciliation n'ont pas été posées par ce gouvernement issu d'un processus électoral contesté et qui n'a pas su remettre en place les administrations indispensables au fonctionnement de l'Etat au-delà de la capitale. Cela a eu pour effet de prolonger les conflits entre les clans et a permis à al-Shabaab de prendre de l'importance. L'élection du Président Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed en 2017 n'a pas accéléré la refonte des institutions politiques, toujours régies par une Constitution provisoire. Suite à ces élections, al-Shabaab a mené plusieurs attaques contre des cibles gouvernementales et du service public dans le but de déstabiliser et discréditer le gouvernement. En outre, des troubles civils agitent régulièrement le pays, entrainant des manifestations souvent violentes, et la crise alimentaire ainsi que les opérations militaires ont induit le déplacement de milliers de personnes ce qui permet à des bandes criminelles de prospérer.
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In: Études internationales, Band 35, Heft 2, S. 379
ISSN: 1703-7891
"The civil war in El Salvador (1980-1992) ended with negotiations between the government and the FMLN guerrilla. An analysis of the texts of the peace agreements shows an implicit strategy of euphemisation of violence in order not to give a partisan interpretation of the texts. However, celebration speeches during the signing of peace make it possible to see that particular partisan memories of the peace process are being built. The commemoration speeches of the most recent peace agreements confirm this idea: the agreements now serve as a reference to legitimise criticism of the opponent, not to build a national unit." ; "La guerre civile au Salvador (1980-1992) a pris fin par une négociation entre le gouvernement et la guérilla du FMLN. L'analyse des textes des accords de paix montre une stratégie implicite d'euphémisation de la violence pour ne pas donner prise à une interprétation partisane des textes. Or les discours de célébration lors de la signature de la paix permettent de voir que se construisent des mémoires partisanes particulières du processus de paix. Les discours de commémoration lors des anniversaires des accords de paix les plus récents confirment cette idée : les accords servent désormais de référence pour légitimer la critique de l'adversaire, non pour construire une unité nationale"
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Acts of the International Colloquium "The Asia-Europe Dialogue (XIXth centuries)", University Paris, Paris, 3-4 June 2016, under the leadership of Laurence Badel, Claude Heuser, Pierre Journoud and Pierre Singaravelu Enbetween 1954 and 1991, France and Great Britain played an important role, although partly overshadowed by the United States, in the collective security of Southeast Asia, at the crossroads between decolonisation, Cold War and regional armed conflicts. They have been involved in strategic multilateral organisations; they participated in delicate negotiations and encouraged long peace processes despite many failures. Their joint or separate attempts to moderate the United States in the conflicts in South Vietnam and Laos, particularly between 1954 and 1962, their ability to influence the resolution of regional armed conflicts, especially the Cambodian conflict in the 1980s, led these powers to strengthen their bilateral political dialogue on the region, but also to raise the EEC's awareness of the need to adopt a common position on the Cambodian conflict and to strengthen its inter-regional dialogue with ASEAN. ; International audience ; Acts of the International Colloquium "The Asia-Europe Dialogue (XIXth centuries)", University Paris, Paris, 3-4 June 2016, under the leadership of Laurence Badel, Claude Heuser, Pierre Journoud and Pierre Singaravelu Enbetween 1954 and 1991, France and Great Britain played an important role, although partly overshadowed by the United States, in the collective security of Southeast Asia, at the crossroads between decolonisation, Cold War and regional armed conflicts. They have been involved in strategic multilateral organisations; they participated in delicate negotiations and encouraged long peace processes despite many failures. Their joint or separate attempts to moderate the United States in the conflicts in South Vietnam and Laos, particularly between 1954 and 1962, their ability to influence the resolution of regional armed conflicts, especially the Cambodian ...
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In: Politique internationale: pi, Heft 90, S. 167-189
ISSN: 0221-2781
Explores implementation of and prospects for the Good Friday peace agreement, signed in Apr. 1998, to end sectarian conflict in Northern Ireland. Summaries in English p. 467 and Spanish p. 481.
In: Politique internationale: pi, S. 319-337
ISSN: 0221-2781
Examines key issues to be resolved and prospects for a peace agreement between Israel, Syria, and Lebanon. Summaries in English p. 463 and Spanish p. 476-7.
In: Politique internationale: pi, S. 9-17
ISSN: 0221-2781
Interview with Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin; focus on the Oslo II peace agreement between Israel and Yasir Arafat, head of the PLO, establishment of the Palestinian National Authority, and other topics. Summaries in English and Spanish p. 465 and 479.
In: Études internationales: revue trimestrielle, Band 27, S. 553-569
ISSN: 0014-2123
Traces developments in policy during the Bush and Clinton administrations with regard to relations with the Balkan states and involvement in conflicts in Bosnia-Herzegovina; 1990-95; US. Summary in English. Some focus on the preliminary peace agreement signed in Dayton, Ohio, Nov. 20, 1995.