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The chapter examines the afterlife of peace agreements aimed at ending civil wars in thepost-Cold War era. Assessing the 'success' or otherwise of these agreements is not possiblewithout an appreciation of the context – historical, political, cultural and normative – withinwhich they have been negotiated, concluded and implemented. While context is thus allimportant, the history and fate of peace accords have also been shaped by the content ofindividual agreements, as well as by the manner of their implementation. The record showst hat poorly designed and inadequately supported peace agreements can entrench pre-war patterns of conflict, exacerbate intra-elite competition, and accentuate socio-economic and political grievances within war-torn societies. By contrast, agreements that are properly designed, adequately resourced, and underpinned by constructive political support from parties, regional actors and international sponsors, can strengthen the political forces and dynamics favoring long-term stability and societal transformation towards self-sustaining peace. Peace agreements after civil wars are often best approached as living documents whose flexible and politically informed interpretation can help parties and mediators chart political avenues out of protracted violence.

In this paper we present a model of war between two rational and completely informed players. We show that in the absence of binding agreements war can be avoided in many cases by one player transferring money to the other player. In most cases, the "rich" country transfers part of her money to the "poor" country. Only when the military proficiency of the "rich" country is sufficiently great, it could be that the "poor" country can stop the war by transfering part of its resources to the "rich" country.

In this paper we present a model of war between two rational and completely informed players. We show that in the absence of binding agreements war can be avoided in many cases by one player transferring money to the other player. In most cases, the "rich" country transfers part of its money to the "poor" country. But when the military proficiency of the "rich" country is sufficiently high the "poor" country stops the war by transferring part of its resources to the "rich" country. War cannot be avoided by transfers when inequality of resources is very large or the cost of war is sufficiently low. ; Publicado

This paper models the instability of peace agreements, motivated by the empirical regularity with which peace agreements tend to break down following civil war. When war provides opportunities for profit to one side, or when other difficulties such as historical grievances exist, peace may become incentive incompatible. The party that has something to gain from surprise warfare may agree to peace, but will later renege on it. It is shown that the levels of conflict chosen by this group are an increasing function of both grievance and greed, but decreasing in the direct costs of war. Peace is achievable via externally devised mechanisms that enhance commitment to peace. Aid and direct military peacekeeping intervention (sanctions) can reduce or eliminate conflict. These sanctions, however, need to be credible. Finally, the independent provision and finance of international sanctions are considered. When these arrangements yield little benefit to financial sponsors, or are very costly to them, the bite of the sanctions can become ineffective.

This article seeks to understand the proliferation of local and sub-national peace agreements negotiated and signed in recent years. While such agreements are not a new phenomenon, local negotiations in violent conflict seem to be becoming increasingly better documented and formalized. This development may be caused by the comparably easy availability of electronic means of documentation and communication, even in remote areas. Local peace processes and resultant agreements have also gained more attention from national, regional, and international actors, in part due to their increased visibility. Interest in local agreements is also driven by the changing dynamics of conflict and peace. Structural shifts at the international have often resulted in a decreasing likelihood of comprehensive peace processes at the national level. The model of the traditional 'peace process' at the national level assumes the existence of a state actor who is internationally recognized, and one (or more) armed opposition groups. Often, however, conflicts are more complex. Some conflicts may be understood as contests about the control of the central state and others evolve from a complex interrelation between the national level and a variety of localized conflict settings that are largely based on context-dependent fault lines. In other cases, local agreements seem to play an important role across diverse conflict, in 'untangling' forms of conflict, that often operate as complex local-national-transnational-international conflict systems. This report presents the finding of two workshops focused on local peace agreements, their negotiation, the actors involved, and their impact and modes of implementation. Compared to national-level agreements, local peace agreements are considerably shorter and issue-centered. They deal with a wide variety of contextualized topics around the predominant aim of managing local patterns of armed conflict and violence. In their variety, local peace agreements represent the diversity but also the ...

It has been almost five years since the violent dissolution of Yugoslavia. An estimated 200,000 civilians have been killed, over two million people have been displaced from their homes, tens of thousands have been tortured and raped, and Europe has hosted yet another of the world's genocides. While the recently concluded Dayton Peace Agreement has resulted in a temporary cessation of the armed conflict, serious concerns have been raised regarding efforts to rebuild and repair the institutions of civil society. Little attention has been paid, however, to the constitutional structure of the newly created state of Bosnia and Herzegovina. While the long term viability of the region depends on a number of factors, the constitutional structure of the government, and its allocation of power among the parties to the peace agreement, is crucial for the long term viability of an independent Bosnian state. This comment examines only one aspect of the constitutional structure of Bosnia and Herzegovina: the institutionalization of ethnicity.

There is an unimpaired link between ideas of Peace Agreements and Human Rights concept. Given the breadth of human rights and its complexity this paper will introduce the reader to the scope of the Human Rights Concept and the Peace Agreement aspects in the Republic of Macedonia since 1991. A greater emphasis is given on the Ohrid Framework Agreement in the range of conflict resolution and derivation of constitutional human rights changes in 2001 and its present challenges and perspectives. The paper is to proceed at three levels (i) analyze of processes that led to success/failure of implementation of agreement in Macedonia and (ii) empirical comparison of the processes at national level since 2001, and (iii) interdependence of peace agreement process and human rights in Macedonia. At the end the paper gives a special attention on the attempts for transformation of the Human Rights System in Macedonia from a rhetorical concept of ideals to a more concrete tool in the national level. Human Rights issues and reconciliation are becoming the main challenge factor for the integration of Macedonia into the European Union.

This study sets out to examine what lessons can be learned from Sudan's Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) 2005, with particular relevance to power-sharing. The author went to on a field-trip to Khartoum, Juba and Nairobi in July 2009 to complement his previous knowledge the Sudan conflict. The report draws ten lessons learned, and these are divided into the three aspects of process, provisions and implementation. In terms of the process, the report suggests that negotiators should strive to involve both regional actors and actors from the international community, focus on the functioning of the agreement, and seek to enhance the capacity-building of the parties. In relation to the key provision, power-sharing, the report calls for mediators to be wary of including exit options in power-sharing deals. The effects of exclusion and inclusion of various actors should be scrutinized and it is important that the message of the agreement is conveyed to various constituencies. Also, it is important to bring peace dividends for the people to increase the legitimacy of the agreement. Regarding the implementation phase, three key lessons are learned. First, for a successful implementation it is essential to keep the momentum of the signing. Secondly, the signing of an agreement is the start, not the end, of building a durable peace. Finally, the research findings demonstrate the importance of maintaining the moment ripe for implementation after the agreement is signed. One way of facilitating this is by keeping the same parties involved during the implementation process as during the negotiations.

While there is a large literature on how conflict affects entrepreneurship and private investment, much less is known about how the end of a conflict affects businesses and firms' creation. A priory, the direction of the effect is not obvious, as conflicts bequest poverty traps and inequality that reduce the returns of investment, and the territorial vacuum of power that is inherent to most post-conflict situations may trigger new violent cycles. Studying Colombia's recent peace agreement and using a difference-in-differences empirical strategy, we document that dynamics of entrepreneurship in traditionally violent areas closely mapped the politics that surrounded the peace agreement. When the agreement was imminent after a 5-decade conflict and violence had plummeted, local investors from all economic sectors established new firms and created more jobs. Instead, when the agreement was rejected by a tiny vote margin in a referendum and the party that promoted this rejection raised to power, the rate of firms' creation rapidly reversed.

The inheritance and the division of inheritance that is felt to be unfair is often a source of dispute. The disputes that occur can sometimes be resolved by making a peace agreement between the disputing parties. The peace desired by the parties is, of course, expected to end disputes/conflict and to provide legal certainty among those in dispute. However, sometimes peace agreements that have been made between those in dispute are disputed again in court. This study aims to examine the settlement of Balinese traditional inheritance disputes through a binding peace agreement between the parties make it. The method used in this study is a normative legal research, using a statute approach and a case approach. The result of this study showed that the settlement of Balinese indigenous inheritance disputes through a binding peace agreement of the parties that make it if the peace agreement is made based on the validity of the agreement as stipulated in article 1320 of the Civil Code, based on good faith as the principles in the law of the agreement, and must be made in the form of a notary deed is in accordance with the provisions for conciliation in book III of the Civil Code.

In February 2016, after a series of meetings between Ngok Dinka and Misseriya chiefs, a peace agreement was signed in Noong (west of Abyei). The local mediation was initiated in 2015 by Chief Nyuon Pagot, after a lack of cooperation between the two communities since the 2011 Abyei conflict. During this period, Concordis, an international non-governmental organisation (NGO), became involved to provide logistical support, and to help facilitate the meetings. The main implementation mechanism for the 2016 agreement was the formation of the Joint Community Peace Committee (JCPC) comprised of 10 Ngok Dinka and 10 Misseriya. This governing body's functions included coordinating with UNISFA, organising migration conferences, supporting conflict resolution, ruling on compensation, and overseeing the work of its sub-committees, including the community police committee, a court, and a committee on trade. There is also a detention centre (two containers) provided by UNISFA. The agreement and JCPC have been lauded for reducing the number of killings and incidences of violence conflict. Peaceful pastoralist migrations into the Abyei area are now taking place.

This research paper analysed the transitional justice discourses of the government, its political opposition, the FARC, and the civil society participants in the peace negotiation, and its particular understandings of peace and conflict in the context of the peace negotiation with FARC in Colombia. Based on the study of the competing discourses and how are they reflected in the mechanism to admin transitional justice – Special Jurisdiction of Peace – I argue that the mechanism definition has been part of a bargain between elites looking for the status quo preservation. Thus, the Special Jurisdiction of Peace privileges the governments' discourses, especially of the government in power, while excluding some of the demands from civil society representatives and FARC.

ABSTRACT: The 2016 Colombian peace agreement failed by a narrow margin when put to a public vote, but a month later, the legislature bypassed the need for public support officially ending the 52-year armed conflict between the government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia [FARC]. Today, few promises of the agreement have come to fruition, leaving Colombia's rural population in need and causing some ex-combatants to return to the FARC. While some attributed failure of the peace agreement to low voter turnout, a better understanding of the public's lack of support for the peace agreement is needed. This study uses logistic regression to analyze 2016 survey data from the Latin American Public Opinion Project to examine how institutional trust correlates with predicting support for the Colombian peace agreement. Variables such as public opinion regarding trust in government institutions (the legislature, executive, judiciary, and elections) and trust in the FARC, including a belief that the FARC will demobilize, are included within the study. The model supports the hypothesis that greater trust in institutions increases the probability that the respondent will support the peace agreement. Five of the six variables are statistically significant, and the trust in the national legislature variable is approaching significance. Future studies related to this topic should include greater analysis of Colombia's rural population who was most affected by forced displacement and other forms of violence during the conflict. KEYWORDS: Colombia, armed conflict, peace agreement, public opinion, trust

A peace agreement for Sudan was signed in Nairobi on January 9, 2005. The accord opens a historic opportunity to end the conflict between the Sudanese government and the SPLA rebels in southern Sudan. The cornerstones of the deal are political autonomy for southern Sudan during a transitional period leading up to a 2011 referendum on independence for the South, and equal sharing of oil revenues. The peace agreement is, however, merely the first step toward settling the conflict. The two sides must now get on with the much tougher challenge of implementation, which will be doomed to failure without an active long-term commitment by the international community. Impetus for a peace process for the country as a whole - and thus also an end to the conflict in Darfur - is not to be expected from these developments. (SWP comments / SWP)

The cross-strait relations are an important factor of influencing cross-strait economic development and social progress. To build peaceful and stable cross-strait relations is the expectations of both sides as well as an important work for both governments. The cross-strait peace agreement is very critical in the process of the development of cross-strait relations. The two sides are to start negotiations and signing of peace agreement, which is not only beneficial to the two sides, but also helpful to regional and world peace. This essay is some thinking about the development of cross-strait relations based on cross-strait peace agreement.Key words: Peace agreement; Cross-strait Relations; Chinese Communist Party; Chinese Kuomintang (KMT)