Suchergebnisse

[eng] During the collapse of Socialist Yugoslavia and amid a concomitant process to ethnically divide Bosnia, Sarajevo suffered through a siege which after three-and-a-half years resulted in a completely new social, political and territorial order. Following the signing of the peace agreement in Paris in December 1995, to end the war in Bosnia, the city simultaneously experienced a transition from war to peace and from socialism to capitalism. This double transition was marked by increasing intervention from the international community, who deployed an administration in Bosnia and Herzegovina to supervise the implementation of the peace agreement. Despite the fact that no specific local peace-building mission was established in Sarajevo, the Office of the High Representative (OHR), in charge of supervising the civilian annexes of the agreement, became particularly involved in the supervision, coordination and even execution of several key processes shaping its urban transformation, in areas such as the management of land, economic transition and the reconstruction of Sarajevo's intrinsic ethnic diversity. Thus, this dissertation analyses the role of the OHR in the urban transformation of the symbolic Bosnian capital during the post-war period with an ultimate focus on the impact of those policies, developed mostly between 1995 and 2003, in the current ethnic and spatial configuration of the city. ; [cat] En l'àmbit dels estudis urbans Sarajevo no és un cas d'estudi menor degut al seu simbolisme, amb un pes significatiu en la història contemporània continental, així com també per la llarga tradició de diversitat, inicialment religiosa i posteriorment ètnica, i de convivència al llarg de la seva història. Sarajevo és, de fet, un cas peculiar, sinó únic, en el sentit que la coexistència entre les diverses comunitats és una característica intrínseca de la ciutat, havent estat promoguda pels principals governs responsables dels tres períodes de major expansió urbana. Aquesta llarga tradició va rebre una de les seves principals agressions durant el col·lapse de la Iugoslàvia socialista. En el marc d'un procés de territorialització ètnica de Bòsnia i Hercegovina, desenvolupat principalment pels líders polítics serbobosnians conjuntament amb els sèrbies, Sarajevo va acabar sent sotmesa a tres anys i mig de setge que van provocar una profunda transformació de l'ordre social, ètnic, polític i territorial. Després de la signatura dels acords de pau a París el desembre de 1995, coneguts com els Acords de Dayton, que van posar fi a la guerra a Bòsnia, la ciutat va emprendre el període postbèl·lic destruïda, encerclada i dividida, amb una àrea assetjada sota control del Govern de Bòsnia i Hercegovina i els sectors perifèrics, i fins i tot alguns barris centrals, sota domini de les tropes serbobosnianes.

This field research using participant observation critically analyzed the post-war reconciliation between Aceh Province and the Indonesian Government. Special attention was paid to the violent incidents at Rumoh Geudong, Krueng Arakundoe, and Jambo Keupok. Besides, in-depth interviews with 16 informants who were engaged directly and indirectly on the problems to collect the data, followed by employing library research to sight the findings. The peace agreement was concluded by parties who hated each other. Contrarily, the government's function as the developer of the post-understanding process was not shown substantially. This has further enhanced the new forms of violence carried out after the previous violence. This meant nothing to the power of peace itself. The reconciliation was not substantially successful but failed. The absence of which had an impact on the existence of war victims, particularly in rebuilding their psychological conditions. Human values during the 14 years of peace were not programmed in priority at all, which generated extensive sustainable peace. The collapse of the state's responsibility to unravel all cases of dehumanization had an impact on the increasingly dominating pragmatic value, meaning that the value of the existence of war victims was minimal, even closer to nothing.

This paper examines the articulation of the security sector reform concept in the development, peace and security communities. Overview This background paper outlines issues that emerged from research commissioned by the Australian Civil-Military Centre (ACMC) in early 2013 to map international perspectives and trends in security sector reform (SSR). The concept of SSR has evolved over the last two decades to describe a range of efforts to improve the security of a state and its citizens through an effective, affordable, accountable and transparent security sector. In all cases, but particularly for conflict-affected states, SSR is about governance of the security sector. Many Australian government departments and agencies, civil society and other organisations have contributed to SSR throughout the post-Cold War period. One trend observed in war-to-peace transitions after the Cold War is that the more expansive peace processes that follow complex civil wars still centre on first gaining agreement about future security arrangements. Some of the most common provisions in peace agreements include restructuring the security apparatus, demobilisation, and re-establishing civilian oversight over state security institutions. These ambitious goals mean timing, sequencing and political legitimacy are critical to achieve meaningful reform within and between those institutions. Transitional political arrangements after conflict—in place until the first post-conflict elections—were shorter (under two years) in many cases in the 1990s, and in recent coup cases. However, transitional arrangements have been in place much longer in several recent civil war cases (four to seven years). This has resulted in significant post-conflict strengthening and restructuring of armies and police forces before elected legitimate leaders and parliaments are in place, often embedding the composition of security institutions that were legacies of the conflict. Research points to a more sustainable peace if former enemies are incorporated into, ...

AbstractIn contrast to the common tendency to see war as the result of leadership decisions based on risk assessments, and political and economic considerations about gains or losses, we use a constructivist and institutional perspective to historicize and politicize the way "nation‐state interests" and "nation‐state preferences" even in a decision to go to war are socially constructed and culturally embedded. We maintain that with the end of the Cold War, many societies found themselves at a crossroads where they had to resolve internal conflicts in regards to neoliberal globalization. These internal conflicts and a crisis of identity, between those who supported the principle of globalization and regarded it as a promise for democracy, openness, liberty and peace, and those who saw it as a danger to their exceptionality and distinctiveness, ended in wars (either internal wars or external wars) when the objectors of neoliberal globalization succeeded in creating an institutional turn which presented war as the "efficient," "necessary," "legitimate", or "desired" solution to the new threatening reality.We demonstrate the validity of this argument by using Israel as a test case, examining how institutional changes in the 1990s, arising from internal societal conflicts around the Oslo Agreements, led the state to move from the brink of peace to new wars despite exogenous objections to its policy.

Regarding the configuration of Collective Emotional Orientations (CEO) of a political nature, such as psychosocial barriers to the construction of peace and reconciliation in the people in the city of Bogotá, from a gender perspective, it was possible to identify different emotions: sadness and pain; rage, anger and hatred; fear, anxiety, mistrust and uncertainty; resentment and disgust; non-conformity, concern and disappointment; indifference, impotence, frustration and hopelessness; hope, happiness, optimism and empathy; patriotism, security, gratitude and admiration, facing armed conflict, its actors, the peace agreement, and the future of the country. From these, it is possible to conclude that some CEO are psychosocial barriers according to the way in which they are experienced by the participants ; Respecto de la configuración de orientaciones emocionales colectivas (OEC) de carácter político, como barreras psicosociales para la construcción de paz y la reconciliación en personas de la ciudad de Bogotá, desde una perspectiva de género, se lograron identificar distintas emociones como: tristeza y dolor; rabia, indignación y odio; miedo, angustia, desconfianza e incertidumbre; resentimiento y asco; inconformidad, preocupación y decepción; indiferencia, impotencia, frustración y desesperanza; esperanza, felicidad, optimismo y empatía; patriotismo, seguridad, gratitud y admiración, frente al conflicto armado, sus actores, el acuerdo de paz y el futuro del país. A partir de éstas, es posible concluir que algunas OEC se constituyen como barreras psicosociales de acuerdo con la manera en que se vivencian en las y los participantes.