Suchergebnisse

Lucrarea de față urmărește să contribuie la dezvoltarea culturii de securitate a publicului larg prin dezvoltarea unor aspecte generale legate de domeniul Intelligence, în special în condițiile actuale ale evoluției mediului de securitate, marcat decisiv de procesul de globalizare.

The work as a whole deal extensively with the historical-geographical, geopolitical and geostrategic context of the emergence and evolution of the North Atlantic Alliance, one of the most successful international security organizations, a true reference point within them, in order to identify possible scenarios of evolution and further transformation of NATO. The book is structured in 5 chapters, each chapter being divided into sub-chapters, points and sub-points; the work itself is preceded by a brief introduction in context, and concludes with some conclusions, an explanatory glossary of acronyms, terms and definitions with which we have worked throughout the work, the bibliography studied and some appendices. In the first two chapters (the theoretical part) we have presented the contextual situation regarding the emergence and evolution of NATO, anchored in a generic approach to the concept of alliance, the particular scope of the work being given by chapters 3, 4 and 5 (the applied part), to which we have devoted most of the space, in interesting conceptual-strategic and spatial-temporal analyses. The theoretical aspects are coupled with analytical applications and concrete syntheses, their originality being eloquent.

Since its origins, in the context of the Cold War's beginning, NATO has been a robust defensive alliance, acting in accordance with UN Charter, as a collective defence structure based on solidarity and mutual trust. Nowadays it has 28 member states and one can say that it fulfilled its main role: to protect the West against communist/Soviet threats using the deterrence and containmemt tools. Neither USSR nor its main instrument, the Warsaw Pact dare to attack the Euro-Altantic area. Our main assumption is that because the specific national interests of each member state, because of the domestic-constitutional issues and bureaucratic obstacles, the Alliance cannot yet forge a common strategic culture for all its members and also lacks a common lens for detecting real risks and therats, be they nation states or non-states actors. Nowadays, Russia and Islamic State are the main adversaries for the Western states, thus NATO should be more effective in dealing with them. And there is a need for reform and transformation. Divergences between adepts of territorial defence and those of pro-active "out of area" missions go in addition to divergences concerning the neeed for increased defence budgets for all members and especially concering the attitude towards Russia. Moscow used economic and energy tools trying to divise some allies like Hungary, Greece and Bulgaria and it partially succeeded. Using some theories of alliances and of democratic peace, resorting to recent facts and figures related to NATO's activities and plans, will help the reader understand the problem of increasing the power vs. increasing the security dilemma and the prospect of future conflicts.

This article examines the influence of the soft power on the process of ensuring the national interests of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Moldova. The author determines soft power as an important mean of securing national interests, an essential component of the process of realizing relations between states, deducting that soft power contributes to the foundation and promotion of national interests, the consolidation of stability, of order and peace and the creation of a positive image of the state on the international arena. Taking into consideration that the concept of soft power has developed, gaining a legal foundation in the Russian Federation quite recently, the importance of research on the subject is growing to follow how this concept has been defined and how its own action plan is developed and materialized without adapting the Western templates to Russian realities. The research of the soft power role in promoting the national interests of the Republic of Moldova stems from the fact that our state requires a clarification of the foreign policy objectives and their means of realization, a determination of the role of soft power, its specificity and its efficiency in the transmission of values by a democratic and modern state to other actors of the international process.

This article deals with the emergence of a new type of crime prevention in
interwar Romania. Inspired by the Italian school of criminal law and by the
Italian Criminal Code "Rocco" (1930), the Romanian Criminal Code "King Carol
II" (1936) formulates a new type of criminal sanctions, explicitly designed to
address and combat the social dangerousness. Regarded as a major challenge to
the classic criminal system based on free will and guilt, the "security measures"
were formalizing new types of offenders defined as such not by their criminal
acts but by their criminal potential, redefining the scope and the goal of the
criminal prevention. Major debates in the epoch reveal the possible threats this
new type of criminal sanctions and of a criminal policy orientated towards risk
prevention, seen as closely connected with authoritarian tendencies, carried for
individual freedom and the rule of law. The legal issues discussed in the epoch prove significant for the current debates regarding the negative consequences the
preventive War on Terror have for individual freedom and the rule of law.

Created by the Hungarian Minister of Instruction and Religion in an attempt to depopulate the Universities of Hungary from the big number of auditors, the Romanian Era of the Law Academy of Oradea began with two academic years, 1919-1920 and 1920-1921, of transition from the Hungarian authorities to the Romanian ones. Due to the efficiency of the Dirigent Council of managing the issues of the Transylvanian education, during 1919 and the first half of 1920, the Academy's activity was not interrupted. The students could continue the studies in similar conditions as those existing before 1918, fact that helped many of them sustain both, the main exams, the final state ones and those of Justice. At the end of the three transitions years, the education institution of Oradea was able to begin the academic year 1921-1922 in normal conditions.

This article aims to follow up the institutionalization process of the primary education in the rural areas of Bessarabia (today Republic of Moldova), during the inter-war period (1918-1940), from the perspective of the application of the corporal punishment in the public schools. The application of the corporal punishment also interacted with certain matters related to the everyday process of the primary education in the villages, such as the teachers' relationships with the local community, the school attendance, or the internal group dynamics within the pedagogical collectives in the rural schools. The corporal punishment was codified and became increasingly scarce in the inter-war years, correspondingly with the change of the attitudes both of the teachers and the pupils' parents towards the primary school.