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The position of Israel's Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, concerning the establishment of a Palestinian State has been, at a conceptual level, rather consistent. Since assuming the office of Prime Minister for the second time some months ago (he served as Prime Minister between 1996 and 1999), his stance on this matter has evolved in a coherent manner.To begin with, Netanyahu said that, in the context of a peace agreement with the Palestinian Authority, he would be in favour of the creation of an entity in which the Palestinians would enjoy the fullest possible degree of liberty and political authority commensurate with Israel's vital security interests.Following his first official meeting with US President Barack Obama, Netanyahu was asked by reporters whether he would agree to the establishment of a Palestinian state. He retorted by saying that it was not important how one defined a Palestinian entity that would emerge as a result of a peace accord so long as there was agreement on its contents.In his speech at Bar Ilan University in Israel, in which, for the first time, Netanyahu endorsed, in principle, the idea a Palestinian state, the Israeli Prime Minister did not argue his case in a top-bottom manner. Netanyahu did not say he was in favour of a two-state solution and went on to explain what he meant by that. He did not state, first and foremost, that he would accept a Palestinian state living side by side with Israel. Rather, he argued his case in a bottom-up way.He started by describing the kind of Palestinian entity that would be acceptable to Israel in the framework of a peace agreement. That entity would have to be, according to Netanyahu, fully demilitarized, with iron-clad international supervision. He made it clear, albeit in a rather implicit manner, that the frontiers would have to be supervised to prevent smuggling of prohibited weaponry, and the freedom of its airspace would have to be partially curtailed to avert any possible aerial attack of Israeli targets.Netanyahu then went on to say that, if the aforementioned conditions were met, he would agree to the establishment of a Palestinian state.In other words, the kind of Palestinian entity Netanyahu would accept was identical to the kind of entity he was ready to accept even prior to his Bar Ilan speech. Now, however, he went a step further, saying that he would agree that such an entity be a state. Netanyahu was prepared to endorse the idea of a Palestinian state as long as the main characteristics he thought essential for an autonomous entity were to be applied to such a state. Netanyahu agreed to the creation of a Palestinian state primarily due the pressures exerted by the Obama Administration. To be sure, other countries with which Israel had close relations, such as Germany, Britain, France and Italy made it clear to Israel, both in private and in public, that the endorsement of a Palestinian state, as an integral component of a peace agreement, was essential.However, the manner by which Netanyahu presented his consent to the creation of a Palestinian state was related to his domestic audience. The bottom-up approach adopted by him during his Bar Ilan speech could be understood as an attempt by Netanyahu to assuage his domestic constituency. By describing first the main characteristics of a Palestinian entity, by emphasizing the security elements essential to Israel to begin with, and then moving on to state that he would be ready to accept a Palestinian state, Netanyahu may have wished to convey the impression that the change entailed in his position was of a gradual, incremental nature, rather than a radical departure from his previous stance.Netanyahu did not wish to portray himself as the De Gaule of a Palestinian state. He had no intention for his Bar Ilan speech to become the Balfour Declaration for the Palestinian people.His speech was designed to fend off external pressures while maintaining the support of his domestic audience. He had to maintain a delicate equilibrium by adopting the idea of a Palestinian state while doing so in a manner that did not cause a political earthquake in Israel. His whole speech, to be sure, was aimed at eliciting the support of the international community while maintaining the backing of his domestic base.Although many on the right of the Israeli political spectrum objected to the speech and some in the international community were not fully satisfied with it, Netanyahu managed, so far, to remove this issue from the international agenda as a bone of contention without causing any ruptures within his domestic base.The bottom-up analytical approach of Netanyahu in presenting his endorsement of a Palestinian state stands in contrasts to the way the parties to the left of the Likud argue their case in favour of a Palestinian state.Kadima, Labour and Meretz, the three main Zionist political parties to the left of the Likud, advance their position on this matter in a top-bottom dialectical manner. They start by the headline, so to speak, by saying that they favour a two-state solution or the establishment of a Palestinian state next to Israel. They hardly move into specifics, at least not in public. Netanyahu, as we have seen, moved from the main features of a Palestinian entity to the headline, to the endorsement of a Palestinian state.Indeed, these parties argue their case in an instrumental vein as well. The creation of a Palestinian state, they contend, is an interest of Israel. Israel would not be making any favours by agreeing to such a state. It would be operating in its own self interest.Netanyahu's argument in this regard is not instrumental. He wishes to convey the impression that such a Palestinian state would entail some notable sacrifices. It is a concession done under duress, rather than a unilateral decision reached from purely self-interest.Notwithstanding all this, it should be stressed that none of the Zionist parties to the left of Netanyahu would accept a Palestinian state that would not be demilitarized, the frontiers of which would not be supervised and the aerial space of which would be fully under the control of a Palestinian state.In this regard, Netanyahu expresses explicitly what these parties say implicitly.In contrast to his first tenure as Prime Minister, Netanyahu has been adopting a consensual rather than a confrontational approach to policy-making. Indeed, he has even said so explicitly on more than one occasion. Both in shaping his domestic and his foreign policy Netanyahu has been endeavouring to be inclusive rather than exclusive. Following his Bar Ilan speech, he stated that he has embraced a policy towards the peace process which encompasses a large consensus within Israel.Netanyahu has been, so far, more of a problem solver than an opportunity creator. This has led him to adopt a somewhat defensive posture aimed at avoiding political and diplomatic convulsions. His main objective seems to be stability. Paradoxically, his adoption of the idea of a Palestinian state was undertaken as part of this same defensive posture. *Diplomacy Program. Tel Aviv University. Israel

The language manage of the Official Development Assistance by the Corporation de Desarrollo y Paz del Magdalena Medio CDPMM, the international cooperation world uncertainly at about Colombia during the years 2000 and 2001 and the dialogue possibility with the Ejército de Liberación Nacional ELN during the Andrés Pastrana Government, allowed the creation of an opportunity to the Corporación for being listened by the European decision makers and create the Peace Laboratories Program. The project has contribute to establish the necessary conditions for motivating a peace process in the region by the construction of a social subject capable of leading his own progress constituting alliances with different social sectors. However the initiative effectiveness has been limited because the European Union participation concentrates its attention on the econometric revision of the project objectives and the cooperation manuals rather than in the regional dynamics comprehension; and because the state role and the low coverage of the initiative do not ensure the long term sustainability. ; El manejo del discurso de la Ayuda Oficial al Desarrollo por parte de la Corporación de Desarrollo y Paz del Magdalena Medio CDPMM, la incertidumbre en el mundo de la cooperación internacional hacia Colombia en los años 2000 y 2001 y la posibilidad de diálogo con el Ejército de Liberación Nacional ELN durante la administración de Andrés Pastrana, permitieron la creación de una oportunidad para que la corporación fuera escuchada por los órganos de decisión europea y se pudiera crear finalmente el programa Laboratorios de Paz. El proyecto ha contribuido a establecer las condiciones necesarias para impulsar un proceso de paz en la región por medio de la construcción de un sujeto social capaz de liderar su propio progreso constituyendo alianzas con diferentes sectores de la sociedad. Sin embargo la eficacia de la iniciativa frente al proceso de paz y desarrollo ha sido limitada debido a que la participación de la Unión Europea se concentró en la revisión econométrica de los objetivos del proyecto y de los manuales de la cooperación más no en la comprensión de las dinámicas regionales; y a que el rol del estado y la baja cobertura de la iniciativa no aseguran su sostenibilidad a largo plazo.

The language manage of the Official Development Assistance by the Corporation de Desarrollo y Paz del Magdalena Medio CDPMM, the international cooperation world uncertainly at about Colombia during the years 2000 and 2001 and the dialogue possibility with the Ejército de Liberación Nacional ELN during the Andrés Pastrana Government, allowed the creation of an opportunity to the Corporación for being listened by the European decision makers and create the Peace Laboratories Program. The project has contribute to establish the necessary conditions for motivating a peace process in the region by the construction of a social subject capable of leading his own progress constituting alliances with different social sectors. However the initiative effectiveness has been limited because the European Union participation concentrates its attention on the econometric revision of the project objectives and the cooperation manuals rather than in the regional dynamics comprehension; and because the state role and the low coverage of the initiative do not ensure the long term sustainability. ; El manejo del discurso de la Ayuda Oficial al Desarrollo por parte de la Corporación de Desarrollo y Paz del Magdalena Medio CDPMM, la incertidumbre en el mundo de la cooperación internacional hacia Colombia en los años 2000 y 2001 y la posibilidad de diálogo con el Ejército de Liberación Nacional ELN durante la administración de Andrés Pastrana, permitieron la creación de una oportunidad para que la corporación fuera escuchada por los órganos de decisión europea y se pudiera crear finalmente el programa Laboratorios de Paz. El proyecto ha contribuido a establecer las condiciones necesarias para impulsar un proceso de paz en la región por medio de la construcción de un sujeto social capaz de liderar su propio progreso constituyendo alianzas con diferentes sectores de la sociedad. Sin embargo la eficacia de la iniciativa frente al proceso de paz y desarrollo ha sido limitada debido a que la participación de la Unión Europea se concentró en la revisión econométrica de los objetivos del proyecto y de los manuales de la cooperación más no en la comprensión de las dinámicas regionales; y a que el rol del estado y la baja cobertura de la iniciativa no aseguran su sostenibilidad a largo plazo.

este artículo de investigación, presenta rutas de análisis histórico en torno a los alcances y falencias que dejaron los diálogos de Paz en Colombia entre las Frac-Ep y el Gobierno Nacional durante el siglo XX, el papel que han jugado los medios de comunicación en dichos procesos y una descripción analítica de los discursos de Oslo y la Habana, que dan inicio al actual proceso de Negociación en la Habana; se resalta el profundo alcance que este proceso de negociaciones marca en la última década en Colombia, en lo que concierne a la posible terminación del conflicto armado y la construcción de una paz estable y duradera.

The language manage of the Official Development Assistance by the Corporation de Desarrollo y Paz del Magdalena Medio CDPMM, the international cooperation world uncertainly at about Colombia during the years 2000 and 2001 and the dialogue possibility with the Ejército de Liberación Nacional ELN during the Andrés Pastrana Government, allowed the creation of an opportunity to the Corporación for being listened by the European decision makers and create the Peace Laboratories Program. The project has contribute to establish the necessary conditions for motivating a peace process in the region by the construction of a social subject capable of leading his own progress constituting alliances with different social sectors. However the initiative effectiveness has been limited because the European Union participation concentrates its attention on the econometric revision of the project objectives and the cooperation manuals rather than in the regional dynamics comprehension; and because the state role and the low coverage of the initiative do not ensure the long term sustainability. ; El manejo del discurso de la Ayuda Oficial al Desarrollo por parte de la Corporación de Desarrollo y Paz del Magdalena Medio CDPMM, la incertidumbre en el mundo de la cooperación internacional hacia Colombia en los años 2000 y 2001 y la posibilidad de diálogo con el Ejército de Liberación Nacional ELN durante la administración de Andrés Pastrana, permitieron la creación de una oportunidad para que la corporación fuera escuchada por los órganos de decisión europea y se pudiera crear finalmente el programa Laboratorios de Paz. El proyecto ha contribuido a establecer las condiciones necesarias para impulsar un proceso de paz en la región por medio de la construcción de un sujeto social capaz de liderar su propio progreso constituyendo alianzas con diferentes sectores de la sociedad. Sin embargo la eficacia de la iniciativa frente al proceso de paz y desarrollo ha sido limitada debido a que la participación de la Unión Europea se concentró en la revisión econométrica de los objetivos del proyecto y de los manuales de la cooperación más no en la comprensión de las dinámicas regionales; y a que el rol del estado y la baja cobertura de la iniciativa no aseguran su sostenibilidad a largo plazo.

The present article is a review of the literature framed in the investigation "Cultural policies and peace construction in Colombia 1990 – 2002" presented like research result in the mastery in political sciences of the Andes University. In this article the main topic is the review of the concept – culture - in that of construction of peace in the academic environment. ; El presente artículo es una revisión de la literatura enmarcada en la investigación "Políticas culturales y construcción de paz en Colombia 1990 – 2002" presentada como resultado de investigación en la maestría en ciencias políticas de la Universidad de los Andes. En este artículo el tema principal es la revisión del concepto –cultura- en la de construcción de paz en el ámbito académico.

While there has been research focusing on security issues in Mexico in the context of the Mexican Drug War and the effects of violence on its population, little has been done to explore the relationship between public-official discourse, political practices and mourning at a societal level. Using the Logics of Critical Explanation (LCE) framework developed by Jason Glynos and David Howarth, and focusing on the notions of mourning and melancholia at a societal level, this paper argues that the conditions for mourning at a societal level have not been met in public-official discourse regarding the security policy and the Mexican Drug War, resulting in subjects experiencing blocked mourning. It views the Peace and Reconciliation Forums as a political logic that seeks to differentiate the approach taken by the incoming López Obrador administration in relation to security strategy formulation and attention tovictims and Human Rights' groups. It also argues that while the forums themselves have some attributes that could pave the way for successful mourning to occur, a comprehensive set of practices needs to materialize that addresses the concerns of violence-affected subjects ; University of Essex, Turku School of Economics (TSE)

This abstract aims to assess the role of argumentation in three documents that are a part of the regulatory public policy on the implementation of the Chair for Peace in Colombian educational institutions. This evaluation is based on philosophical approaches to peace and modern rhetorical argumentation, using the Grounded Theory methodology. The study shows that a regulatory approach to argumentation is preferred, which instrumentalises this topic as an element for conflict resolution. Finally, we concluded that teaching argumentation from a rhetorical perspective is essential in providing tools for the linguistic strengthening of conflicts and the assessment of differences in current multicultural democracies. ; El presente artículo tiene como objetivo evaluar el rol de la argumentación en tres documentos que forman parte de la política pública que reglamenta la implementación de la Cátedra de la Paz en las instituciones educativas colombianas. La evaluación tiene como base los planteamientos de la filosofía para la paz y de la retórica argumentativa contemporánea. La metodología que se utiliza es la teoría fundamentada. El estudio muestra que se privilegia una mirada normativa de la argumentación, la cual instrumentaliza este tópico como un elemento para la resolución de los conflictos. Se concluye que es necesario posicionar la enseñanza de la argumentación desde la retórica con el fin de brindar herramientas para la profundización lingüística de los conflictos y la valoración de la diferencia en las democracias multiculturales actuales.

El presente artículo busca contribuir a la comprensión de los procesos de toma de decisiones en la gestión de las políticas públicas sobre atención a víctimas de violencia por conflicto armado y construcción de paz en el Cauca (Colombia). Corresponde a un estudio de caso cualitativo (por lo que podrían no generalizarse los hallazgos) en el cual se recolectó información de dos escenarios mediante observación, entrevistas individuales y revisión documental. Estos escenarios se vieron influenciados por el entorno, permitieron el desarrollo de confianza que se constituyeron en medios de aprendizaje, interacción, relacionamiento, intercambio y gobernanza. No obstante, persisten liderazgos hegemónicos fuertes, predomina la lógica centro-periferia y el saber normativo supera otros saberes. Se requieren sinergias y apoyo de las investigaciones para fortalecer la gestión pública local

This article presents the often overlooked interdisciplinary field of Peace Studies with a focus on its historical
evolution since its emergence in the early 20th century. For this purpose, it first overviews its major institutional developments identifying four stages in this evolution: origins (1914-1945), institutionalisation (1945-1970), discipline development (1970-1990), discipline consolidation (from 1990 onwards). Second, it identifies six major lines of inquiry / features within the debates that have defined the discipline: approaching violence and promoting peace; necessity of an interdisciplinary approach; peaceful and non-violent management of conflicts; global and multi- cultural focus; balance between scientific analysis and normative engagement; relation between academic and practical purposes. Finally, it reviews the contemporary agenda of Peace Studies, identifying the current trends in the discipline.

The negotiation and current agreements reached between the FARC-EP and the government, with their respective adjustments, are made in a rather unfavorable international political context, which will somehow impact on the implementation of the same, we will analyze this Latin American and Colombian context to close With the peace
process and its implementation.

The Ecumenical Committee for Peace (MEP) made its roots in this prophecy that has continued to move theological thinking, solidarity action, social commitment and liberating political audacity in pastoral and missionary practice of the Christian history of Latin America. It is an action in which various social sectors have been engaging and articulate to help create conditions for peace with justice and equality a reality in Colombia.

el presente artículo, trata de confrontar los fundamentos e ideas fuerza que caracterizan la globalización como expresión hegemonizada del modelo de desarrollo capitalista en su fase actual, de corte financiero especulativo y con énfasis predominantemente extractivista, con uno de los factores característicos y determinares de la búsqueda y construcción de idearios e imaginarios de paz en Colombia.

Se analiza el proceso de paz que se adelanta en Colombia entre la insurgencia de las FARCEP y el Gobierno de Colombia, observado desde los enfoques teóricos de los Estudios de la Paz, y desde la perspectiva del movimiento social, argumentando la necesidad de asumir el enfoque epistemológico de la Paz Transformadora y Participativa como vía para propiciar procesos integrales de construcción de paz más allá de la negociación.