Suchergebnisse

In this paper the author points out to the importance of main organizations for establishing of international peace and security. They are the following: League of Nations, United Nations, Organizations of European Security and Co-operation, Conference of European Security and Co-operation, European Council, West European Union and NATO. Until the end of the Cold war, the universal organizations have played primordial role, but after the mentioned period the regional ones took the lead. The reason lies in the shift in balance of power - from bipolar to unipolar. The League of Nations and CESC can be observed from the historic perspective. NATO and UN played a crucial role during the internationalization of Kosovo issue and the act of intervention itself. NATO demonstrated its power and proved in the absence of real balance of power, la force l'emporte sur le droit. On the other hand, UN had passed several resolutions that condemned violence in Kosovo and Metohia (1160, 1199 and 1203 - all passed in 1998). During 1999 Security Council had passed a famous Resolution 1244, by which it was decided a civic and military mission should be established in Kosovo and Metohia - UNMIK and KFOR KFOR dealt with security issues in order to ensure the respect of it to all nationalities in Kosovo and Metohia. UNMIK set a very ambitious task lying ahead trying to establish standards before the future status. Realizing that it would be impossible to reach the standards, UNMIK started with the policy of status determination without standards establishing. The outcome of such policy is Ahtissari's Plan for supervised Independence of Kosovo, and finally the Declaration of Self-proclaimed Independence of Kosovo. We are also witnessing the transfer of horizontal and vertical effective state authorizations to the mentioned international organizations, bearing in mind problems it encounters. NATO deals with security issues, but European Union being unable to deal with such tasks (ESDP policy is to be as attempt), is more concentrated on economic issues.

United States participation in international politics during the period between the two world wars, come not only from the general and often declarative interest in peace, but was also a consequence of extremely rapid expansion of their foreign trade and overseas capital investments. It was a period of intense financial diplomacy, when efforts to maintain the gold standard, to determine the amount of reparations and the manner of payment of war debts, brought confusion not only in relations between victors and vanquished, but also in relations between the United States and its former European allies. Abandonment of the gold standard and the creation of the tripartite agreement between the United States, Britain and France, in the 1936, was a milestone in the development of international monetary cooperation and the role of United States in international economic relations. .

The authors of this paper offer an overview and analysis of the rise and fall of‎ the liberal international order that emerged after the end of the Cold War and‎ along with the rising power of the United States. The foreign policy agenda‎ of the post-Cold War sole superpower was guided by the idea of creating a‎ global order based on the ideology of liberalism, which incorporates theories‎ of liberal peace, democratic peace and neoliberal institutionalism. The establishment‎ of a liberal order has been accompanied by numerous political, social,‎ economic and security crises. The current era is characterized by the rise‎ of the relative power of global actors, primarily China and Russia, as the main‎ challengers to the world domination of the United States, geopolitical revisionism‎ and ideological struggle around the world. The authors of this paper‎ use the dialectic of political mechanics as a method that relies on the teachings‎ of Friedrich Hegel on the dialectic of history and Carl Schmitt on the‎ phenomenon of the political. The authors advocate the view that the political‎ field "permanently pulsates", which, in everything that is social and political,‎ necessarily creates action and reaction.‎

In this paper, we tried to analyze the consequences of the transitional process in the societies of the South-West Balkan, primarily on the example of Serbia. The indicators that we have found by the research clearly speak in favor of the fact that the transition is the cause of peripheralization of these societies. Citizens who entered the transitional processes with hope - imagining them as the accomplishment of the best European values - soon were convinced that the transition is only another manner to place these countries in the position to be exploited by multinational capital and developed, 'old' member of the EU, as well as to serve for squaring accounts in geopolitical games of the creators of the 'new world order'. In the case of the countries of the Western Balkan, the transition had the characteristic that, among other things, it was performed in conditions of political violence: destruction of the joint state of Yugoslavia, civil and religious war in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, aggression of NATO to the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, destabilization of Serbia through the attempt of Kosovo secession, etc., therefore, in the conditions that were extremely antihistorical. While the Europe was uniting, the Balkan was disintegrating. At least two out of the three 'ideas that conquered the world' (Mandelbaum) have been violated: the peace and the democracy. Free market in the conditions when there was no peace and regarding democratically insufficiently consolidated societies could not bring their progress, but on the contrary, as we established, only regression. That is the reason why the destroyed and collided South-Balkan societies, contrary to the European vow of their political elites, are today de facto much further from the European aspirations than they were quarter of the century ago. With their policy, the countries of the West have contributed to De- Europeanization of the South-West Balkan and strengthening of the Euroscepticism with citizens of those countries that still have not joined the EU, like Serbia. In fact, the citizens of Serbia can hardly recognize in the policy of the EU those values that have been usually considered European and which we mentioned at the beginning of this paper.

Ova teza treba da istraži vezu između motiva, ciljeva i principa kanadske spoljno-političke agende, u odnosu na njen učinak na području očuvanja i izgradnje mira na Zapadnom Balkanu. Vremenski opseg obuhvata period od 1991. do 1999.godine. U vezi sa pojašnjenjem ovog pitanja, posebno se elaborira idejna osnova te spoljno-političke agende, zatim njeno formiranje kroz viziju međunarodne pozicije Kanade u međunarodnoj politici i na kraju kontekstualizacija te vizije u spoljno-političku misiju Kanade u regiji Zapadnog Balkana. Teza na teorijskom nivou uključuje istraživanje savremenih trendova u oblasti bezbjednosti, uticaja ideja na spoljnu politiku, proces kreiranja i realizacije spoljno-politikih strategija kao i istraživanje učinka spoljno-političkih akcija u kontekstu očuvanja i izgradnje mira. Naučni cilj ovog istraživanja je evaluacija učinka onog dijela kanadske agende ljudske bezbjednosti koji se odnosi na učešće u međunarodnim mirovnim misijama na Zapadnom Balkanu tokom devedesetih godina prošlog vijeka. Teza se zasniva na činjenici da kanadski pristup i doprinos regionalnoj bezbjednosti, posmatran iz ugla teorijskog pravca ljudske bezbjednosti, u regiji Zapadnog Balkana nije dovoljno istražen na naučnoj osnovi. To se posebno odnosi na učinak kanadskih snaga u okviru međunarodnih mirovnih misija u Hrvatskoj, BiH i na Kosovu, u odnosu na kanadsku agendu ljudske bezbjednosti. Naučni doprinos ovog rada bio bi u naučnoj sintezi međunarodno afirmisane agende ljudske bezbjednosti i njenoj kontekstualnoj primjeni kroz djelovanje kanadske mirovne misije u Regiji. Društveni doprinos ovog rada ogleda se u činjenici da se na temeljan način skreće pažnja stručnoj javnosti na kanadski doprinos izgradnji mira na Zapadnom Balkanu, na osnovama liberalnog internacionalizma. ; This thesis aims to explore the links among the motives, purposes and principles of the Canadian foreign policy agenda, with respect to its impact in the field of preserving and building peace in the Western Balkans. The timeframe covers the period from 1991 to1999. With regards to the clarification of this issue, particularly elaborated is the conceptual basis for this foreign policy agenda, then its shaping through the vision of the international position of Canada in the global politics and finally the contextualization of this vision into the Canadian foreign policy mission in the Western Balkans. On a theoretical level, the thesis includes the research into contemporary trends in the field of security, the impact of ideas on foreign policy, the development and implementation of foreign policy strategy, and it also explores the impact of foreign policy actions in the context of preserving and building peace. The scientific objective of this research is appraisal of the effect of that part of Canadian human security agenda relating to participation in international peacekeeping missions in the Western Balkans during the nineteen nineties. The thesis is based on the fact that the Canadian approach and contribution to regional security, observed from the perspective of the theoretical line of human security in the Western Balkans region has not been sufficiently explored from the scientific point of view. This is especially true of the effect of the Canadian troops in the international peacekeeping missions in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and in Kosovo, in relation to the Canadian human security agenda. Scientific contribution of this work would be in the scientific synthesis of the internationally-established human security agenda and its application through contextual actions of Canadian peacekeeping mission in the region. The social contribution of this work is reflected in the fact that the attention is drawn to the expert public in a fundamental way to the Canadian contribution towards peacebuilding in the Western Balkans, on the bases of liberal internationalism.

The maintenance of peace and stability in the post-cold-war world in the circumstances of cooperation and partnership requires an appropriate approach and manner of resolving the crises triggered off by the collapse of communist federations. Imperial policies and regimes must be eliminated while the process of the geopolitical consolidation and the creation of independent and sovereign states in Central and Eastern Europe (and in Euro-Asia on the whole), built around the democratic and market principles, must be wrapped up. The new political leaders (mostly leftist) in the countries that for over fifty years (and now through the Kosovo crisis) have been developing the trans-Atlantic alliance within the military-political framework of NATO (based on the same values, principles, and goals), are now developing appropriate strategies for the post-cold-war hotspots (based on the accumulated experiences). (SOI : S. 89) + The author analyses the process of democratisation of international relations and the future configuration of international order following the end of the era of bipolar confrontation and the establishment of cooperation in the world which has witnessed the change in the key actors' roles regarding their approach to the resolution of the post-cold-war crises which jeopardise the world's peace and stability. First, the author provides a short outline of the genesis of the evolution of the US foreign policy, from the end of World War II to the beginning of the cold war and the formation of NATO. He points out that today's agenda of the international order, its structures, interventionism, and use of force in achieving political objectives, were already shaped at that time. The suggestions put forward constituted the framework and the foundation for the world politics until the late 80s; the cumulative effect of these responses on today's attempts at solving post- cold-war crises enables us to evaluate the roles and behaviour of individual actors in the resolution of the Kosovo crisis

Autori ovog rada nude pregled i analizu uspona i pada međunarodnog liberalnog‎ poretka koji je nastao nakon okončanja Hladnog rata i uspona moći Sjedinjenih‎ Američkih Država. Spoljnopolitička agenda jedine posthladnoratovske‎ supersile vođena je idejom stvaranja globalnog poretka utemeljenog na ideologiji‎ (globalnog) liberalizma koja u sebi inkorporira teorije liberalnog mira,‎ demokratskog mira i neoliberalnog institucionalizma. Uspostavljanje tzv. globalnog‎ liberalnog poretka dosada je bilo praćeno brojnim političkim, socijalnim,‎ ekonomskim i bezbednosnim krizama, a trenutnu eru međunarodnih odnosa‎ odlikuju uspon relativne moći "neliberalnih" globalnih aktera, pre svega‎ Kine i Rusije, kao glavnih izazivača svetske dominacije Sjedinjenih Američkih‎ Država, te geopolitički revizionizam i ideološka konfrontacija liberalnih i‎ antiliberalnih snaga širom sveta. Autori ovog rada koriste specifičan analitički‎ metod tzv. dijalektike političke mehanike, koji se oslanja na učenja Friedricha‎ Hegela o dijalektici istorije i Carla Schmitta o fenomenu političkog, kako bi‎ objasnili trenutnu dinamiku međunarodnih odnosa, pokazujući da političko‎ polje "permanentno pulsira" što, u svemu što je društveno i političko, nužno‎ kreira akciju i reakciju, čijom dinamikom se mogu tumačiti i globalna zbivanja‎ kojima upravo prisustvujemo.‎ ; The authors of this paper offer an overview and analysis of the rise and fall of‎ the liberal international order that emerged after the end of the Cold War and‎ along with the rising power of the United States. The foreign policy agenda‎ of the post-Cold War sole superpower was guided by the idea of creating a‎ global order based on the ideology of liberalism, which incorporates theories‎ of liberal peace, democratic peace and neoliberal institutionalism. The establishment‎ of a liberal order has been accompanied by numerous political, social,‎ economic and security crises. The current era is characterized by the rise‎ of the relative power of global actors, primarily China and Russia, as the main‎ challengers to the world domination of the United States, geopolitical revisionism‎ and ideological struggle around the world. The authors of this paper‎ use the dialectic of political mechanics as a method that relies on the teachings‎ of Friedrich Hegel on the dialectic of history and Carl Schmitt on the‎ phenomenon of the political. The authors advocate the view that the political‎ field "permanently pulsates", which, in everything that is social and political,‎ necessarily creates action and reaction.‎

Европска унија представља по много чему специфичну међународну организацију. Њено основно и препознатљиво обележје је наднационалност у креирању и спровођењу јавних политика. Настала удруживањем ресурса угља и челика брзо је прерасла у зону слободне трговине и сарадњу држава чланица у питањима као што је атомска енергије. Европска интеграција од свог почетка до данас зна искључиво за проширење чланства и повећање броја области сарадње на добровољној основи. Да ли ће међународне околности у којима се ЕУ налази данас и односи са другим међународним организацијама одбрамбеног карактера допринети већој интеграцији држава чланица ЕУ у домену одбране основна је тема овог рада. Трагање за различитим сценаријима развоја заједничке безбедносне политике ЕУ зависи пре свега од међународне институционалне и безбедносне архитектуре у Европи и свету, историјско политичких трендова у развоју европске интеграције, правног оквира ЕУ и међународног стратегијског окружења. Савремене међународне организације, посебно оне са преовлађујућим обележјима наднационалности (у конкретном случају ЕУ) имају тенденцију да у области одбране и безбедности комбинују наднационална обележја са међувладиним у покушају да што ефективније искористе структуру организације за остваривање њених циљева и интереса, али без већег преноса надлежности са држава чланица на саму организацију. ; The European Union represents in many ways a specific international organization. Its basic and recognizable feature is that of supranational policy and decision making. It was created by pooling the resources of coal and steel which had quickly developed into a free trade zone and ever closer Union in many policy areas. European integration from its inception to the present days was all about expanding membership and increasing the number of areas of cooperation. Namely widening and deepening of the EU was on the agenda. Will the current international circumstances and relations with other international defense organizations contribute to deepening integration in the field of defense is to be researched in this work. Search for different scenarios in the development of EU Common Security and Defense policy depends primarily on the international institutional and security architecture in Europe and the world, the historical political trends in the development of European integration, the EU legal framework and international strategic environment. Contemporary international organizations, especially those with the prevailing supranational characteristics (in this case the EU) tend to combine intergovernmental and supranational approach in the area of defense and security in an effort to more effectively utilize the structure of the organization for the realization of its goals and interests, but without significant transfer of powers from Member States on the organization itself. The main goals and interests of the EU integration in the field of defense and security are to (1) ensure durable and everlasting peace among member states, (2) to address common security challenges, risks and threats autonomously or in cooperation with other States and/or international organizations, (3) pool and share resources leading to more effective achievement of military economic interests, mainly through the development and transfer of military technology and equipment. In addition to the mentioned goals and interests, (4) particular interests of the Member States would be to improve their own political, economic and military performance. EU Integration in the field of defense, may rest in the future on (1) the current state of integration (status quo), (2) progress in areas that are not conflicting with the individual interests of key actors in the European arena (3) the deepening of integration leading to progressive framing of common defense policy with an ultimate goal to establish common defense. (4) The fourth model is possible and has been seen in the other EU policy areas.

Polazeći od uverenja da u savremenom svetu postoji izuzetno visok nivo uzajamnezavisnosti država i regiona, odnosno nedeljivost bezbednosti na globalnom nivou,Republika Srbija se u svom delovanju na spoljnopolitičkom planu zalaže za afirmacijukoncepta kooperativne bezbednosti. Smatrajući da se razvijanjem procesa saradnje nabilateralnom i multilateralnom planu može znatno doprineti nacionalnojbezbednosti, zalaže se za jačanje uloge Ujedinjenih nacija kao svetske organizacije,dobijanje statusa članice Evropske unije i aktivno učešće u programu NATO"Partnerstvo za mir", uz stav o neutralnosti zemlje u odnosu na postojeće vojne saveze.Tokom prethodne decenije (naročito poslednjih nekoliko godina) evidentna jeekspanzija u pogledu upotrebe Vojske Srbije u multinacionalnim operacijama. Uzizuzetno povećanje broja angažovanih pripadnika Ministarstva odbrane i Vojske Srbije,proširen je i okvir delovanja – pored misija Ujedinjenih nacija naša zemlja učestvuje iu multinacionalnim operacijama Evropske unije.Kao jedan od osnivača Pokreta nesvrstanih zemalja, u uslovima blokovske podelesveta, Jugoslavija je među članicama Ujedinjenih nacija bila veoma zapažena zbog svogučešća u mirovnim misijama, čime je davala konkretan doprinos očuvanju mira u svetu.U izmenjenim međunarodnim okolnostima nakon "hladnog rata", priroda sukoba u svetuse bitno promenila (sa međudržavnog, težište sukoba je pomereno na nivo unutardržava), a samim tim i način njihovog rešavanja. Nastavljajući tradiciju učešća umirovnim operacijama Ujedinjenih nacija, naša zemlja daje znatan doprinos savremenimmultidimenzionalnim operacijama. ; Starting from the belief that there is a very high level of interdependence betweencountries and regions in the modern world, that is indivisibility of security at a global level, theRepublic of Serbia, acting on its foreign policy plan, advocates affirmation of cooperativesecurity concept. Considering the fact that development of cooperation at a bilateral andmultilateral level can significantly contribute to national security, it advocates strengthening ofthe role of the UN as the world organization, getting the status of the EU member and activeparticipation in the NATO programme "Partnership for Peace", taking into account the opinionon neutrality of the country in relation to the existing military alliances.During the previous decade (particularly the last couple of years) the expansion in termsof the Serbian Armed Forces engagement in multinational operations has been obvious. Inaddition to a significant increase in the number of the engaged Ministry of Defence and SerbianArmed Forces personnel, the engagement framework has been expanded – besides the UNmissions our country participates in the EU multinational operations, as well.As one of the founders of the Non-Aligned Movement, in the condition of the worlddivision into blocs, Yugoslavia was rather noticeable among the UN members due to itsparticipation in peacekeeping missions, thus giving a concrete contribution to peacekeeping inthe world. In the changed international circumstances after the Cold War, the nature of conflictsin the world has largely changed (the focus of conflicts has been transferred from intercountry toa level of intracountry conflicts), and the way of their resolution, as well. Following the traditionof participation in the UN peacekeeping operations, our country gives a significant contributionto contemporary multidimensional operations.

Starting from the belief that there is a very high level of interdependence between countries and regions in the modern world, that is indivisibility of security at a global level, the Republic of Serbia, acting on its foreign policy plan, advocates affirmation of cooperative security concept. Considering the fact that development of cooperation at a bilateral and multilateral level can significantly contribute to national security, it advocates strengthening of the role of the UN as the world organization, getting the status of the EU member and active participation in the NATO programme "Partnership for Peace", taking into account the opinion on neutrality of the country in relation to the existing military alliances. During the previous decade (particularly the last couple of years) the expansion in terms of the Serbian Armed Forces engagement in multinational operations has been obvious. In addition to a significant increase in the number of the engaged Ministry of Defence and Serbian Armed Forces personnel, the engagement framework has been expanded – besides the UN missions our country participates in the EU multinational operations, as well. As one of the founders of the Non-Aligned Movement, in the condition of the world division into blocs, Yugoslavia was rather noticeable among the UN members due to its participation in peacekeeping missions, thus giving a concrete contribution to peacekeeping in the world. In the changed international circumstances after the Cold War, the nature of conflicts in the world has largely changed (the focus of conflicts has been transferred from intercountry to a level of intracountry conflicts), and the way of their resolution, as well. Following the tradition of participation in the UN peacekeeping operations, our country gives a significant contribution to contemporary multidimensional operations. ; Полазећи од уверења да у савременом свету постоји изузетно висок ниво узајамне зависности држава и региона, односно недељивост безбедности на глобалном нивоу, Република Србија се у свом деловању на спољнополитичком плану залаже за афирмацију концепта кооперативне безбедности. Сматрајући да се развијањем процеса сарадње на билатералном и мултилатералном плану може знатно допринети националној безбедности, залаже се за јачање улоге Уједињених нација као светске организације, добијање статуса чланице Европске уније и активно учешће у програму НАТО "Партнерство за мир", уз став о неутралности земље у односу на постојеће војне савезе. Током претходне деценије (нарочито последњих неколико година) евидентна је експанзија у погледу употребе Војске Србије у мултинационалним операцијама. Уз изузетно повећање броја ангажованих припадника Министарства одбране и Војске Србије, проширен је и оквир деловања – поред мисија Уједињених нација наша земља учествује и у мултинационалним операцијама Европске уније. Као један од оснивача Покрета несврстаних земаља, у условима блоковске поделе света, Југославија је међу чланицама Уједињених нација била веома запажена због свог учешћа у мировним мисијама, чиме је давала конкретан допринос очувању мира у свету. У измењеним међународним околностима након "хладног рата", природа сукоба у свету се битно променила (са међудржавног, тежиште сукоба је померено на ниво унутар држава), а самим тим и начин њиховог решавања. Настављајући традицију учешћа у мировним операцијама Уједињених нација, наша земља даје знатан допринос савременим мултидимензионалним операцијама.