Growth of Industrial Democracy: Machinists as Peacemakers
In: The annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Band 72, Heft 1, S. 23-27
ISSN: 1552-3349
In: The annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Band 72, Heft 1, S. 23-27
ISSN: 1552-3349
In: Political science quarterly: a nonpartisan journal devoted to the study and analysis of government, politics and international affairs ; PSQ, Band 31, Heft 1, S. 173-175
ISSN: 1538-165X
In: Journal of political economy, Band 23, Heft 1, S. 92-94
ISSN: 1537-534X
In: Proceedings of the annual meeting / American Society of International Law, Band 9, S. 40-54
ISSN: 2169-1118
In: Proceedings of the annual meeting / American Society of International Law, Band 9, S. 54-62
ISSN: 2169-1118
In: American journal of international law: AJIL, Band 5, Heft 4, S. 1051-1054
ISSN: 2161-7953
In: American journal of international law: AJIL, Band 2, Heft 1, S. 29-49
ISSN: 2161-7953
The First Hague Conference had as its main object a consideration of a " possible reduction of the excessive armaments which weigh upon all nations," or, at least, a discussion of the possibility of " putting an end to the progressive development of the present armaments." The conference early realized that even a limitation of the increase of military and naval expenditure was impracticable at that time, and devoted its chief energies to the secondary purpose for which it was called, viz., to discuss and devise " the most effectual means of insuring to all peoples the benefits of a real and durable peace."
In: Journal of the Royal African Society, Band 4, Heft XIV, S. 190-193
ISSN: 1468-2621
In: The annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Band 5, Heft 1, S. 28-47
ISSN: 1552-3349
In: Current History, Band 11_Part-1, Heft 3, S. 494-502
ISSN: 1944-785X
In: American political science review, Band 13, Heft 2, S. 181-198
ISSN: 1537-5943
We are here to-night in sight of a league of peace, of what I have ever regarded as the "Promised Land." Such a war as the last is a hideous blot on our Christian civilization. The inconsistency is as foul as was slavery under the Declaration of Independence. If Christian nations cannot now be brought into a united effort to suppress a recurrence of such a contest it will be a shame to modern society.During my administration I attempted to secure treaties of universal arbitration between this country and France and England, by which all issues depending for their settlement upon legal principles were to be submitted to an international court for final decision. These treaties were emasculated by the senate, yielding to the spirit which proceeds, unconsciously doubtless, but truly, from the conviction that the only thing that will secure to a nation the justice it wishes to secure is force; that agreements between nations to settle controversies justly and peaceably should never be given any weight in national policy; that in dealing between civilized nations we must assume that each nation is conspiring to deprive us of our independence and our prosperity; that there is no impartial tribunal to which we can entrust the decision of any question vitally affecting our interests or our honor, and that we can afford to make no agreement from which we may not immediately withdraw, and whose temporary operation to our detriment may not be expressly a ground for ending it.
In: American journal of international law: AJIL, Band 10, Heft 1, S. 53-64
ISSN: 2161-7953
Although the development of international law has tended more and more to confine the operations of war to such as are directed against the armed forces of the belligerents and to relieve the peaceful population from their immediate effects, nevertheless a number of practices employed principally for the purpose of bringing economic pressure to bear upon the general mass of enemy non-combatants, still survive in full vigor and are well recognized as legitimate. One of the most important of this class of operations is blockade. The end of blockade is to cut off trade and intercourse with specified ports or with a specified coast line in possession of the enemy.
In: American journal of international law: AJIL, Band 9, Heft 1, S. 86-93
ISSN: 2161-7953
On the 23d of August the English official press bureau issued the following public statement:The Admiralty wishes to draw attention to their previous warnings to neutrals of the danger of traversing the North Sea. The Germans are continuing their practice of scattering mines indiscriminately upon the ordinary trade routes. These mines do not conform to the conditions of the Hague Convention. They do not become harmless after a certain number of hours; they are not laid in connection with any definite military scheme, such as the closing of a military port, or as a distinct operation against an invading fleet, but appear to be scattered on the chance of touching individual British war or merchant vessels. In consequence of this policy, neutral ships, no matter what their destination, are exposed to the greatest danger. * * * The Admiralty, while reserving to themselves the utmost liberty of retaliatory action against this new form of warfare, announce that they have not so far laid any mines during the present war and that they are endeavoring to keep the sea routes open for peaceful commerce.
In: American political science review, Band 5, Heft 3, S. 339-352
ISSN: 1537-5943
There is something anomalous in the spectacle of the nations of the earth, great and small, making prodigious sacrifices in their zeal for military and naval armaments, while at the same time they are coöperating in a campaign to further the effectiveness of peaceful arbitration as a solution of international differences. In considering only the eight leading military powers, it is found that the vast total of nearly two billion dollars is spent annually by them for army and navy. The lesser powers are also spending more lavishly than ever before. Yet, notwithstanding the fact, as stated by Lord Rosebery, that never before has there been, in the history of the world, "so threatening and overpowering a preparation for war," monarchs and statesmen are perpetually indulging in platitudes on the blessings of peace. Arbitral tribunals are steadily gaining in prestige, peace societies are extending their influence, and public-spirited citizens, notable among whom is Mr. Carnegie, are endowing the cause of international peace.
In: American political science review, Band 4, Heft 3, S. 350-364
ISSN: 1537-5943
The war between Russia and Sweden culminating in the treaty of Fredrikshamn in 1809 decided the fate of Finland; according to the terms of the treaty Sweden ceded to Russia her Finnish provinces. Article VI of the treaty states, however, that Russia guaranteed Finland her laws and privileges. It is this latter clause, which at the present day is the bone of contention in the Finnish question.The campaign of the Russian army corps in Finland was very far from being a decisive one; the progress was slow, the resistance of the enemy strong; finally, the Finns started a guerilla war against the Russians, causing the latter very great annoyance.At the same time the Russian government had many other troubles on hand. The figure of Napoleon loomed high on the horizon of Europe and his shadow began to fall on Russia too, causing the Tsar Alexander I much anxiety.All this was a strong inducement for Alexander to settle the Finnish question as soon and as peacefully as he could.All through the year 1808 the Russians pursued a wavering policy; first they would threaten the Finns, then make them certain promises or concessions and so on; thus for example, two important manifestos were issued on March 28 and 31, 1808.