This article examines the implications of international intervention against piracy off the coast of Somalia backed by several Security Council resolutions since 2008. Based on a seminal academic debate generically known as naval peacekeeping, the article argues that the intervention against Somali piracy is the empirical realization of an autonomous concept of peacekeeping at sea, disconnected from the concepts usually applied to the land-based UN peace operations framework. Adapted from the source document.
Ova teza treba da istraži vezu između motiva, ciljeva i principa kanadske spoljno-političke agende, u odnosu na njen učinak na području očuvanja i izgradnje mira na Zapadnom Balkanu. Vremenski opseg obuhvata period od 1991. do 1999.godine. U vezi sa pojašnjenjem ovog pitanja, posebno se elaborira idejna osnova te spoljno-političke agende, zatim njeno formiranje kroz viziju međunarodne pozicije Kanade u međunarodnoj politici i na kraju kontekstualizacija te vizije u spoljno-političku misiju Kanade u regiji Zapadnog Balkana. Teza na teorijskom nivou uključuje istraživanje savremenih trendova u oblasti bezbjednosti, uticaja ideja na spoljnu politiku, proces kreiranja i realizacije spoljno-politikih strategija kao i istraživanje učinka spoljno-političkih akcija u kontekstu očuvanja i izgradnje mira. Naučni cilj ovog istraživanja je evaluacija učinka onog dijela kanadske agende ljudske bezbjednosti koji se odnosi na učešće u međunarodnim mirovnim misijama na Zapadnom Balkanu tokom devedesetih godina prošlog vijeka. Teza se zasniva na činjenici da kanadski pristup i doprinos regionalnoj bezbjednosti, posmatran iz ugla teorijskog pravca ljudske bezbjednosti, u regiji Zapadnog Balkana nije dovoljno istražen na naučnoj osnovi. To se posebno odnosi na učinak kanadskih snaga u okviru međunarodnih mirovnih misija u Hrvatskoj, BiH i na Kosovu, u odnosu na kanadsku agendu ljudske bezbjednosti. Naučni doprinos ovog rada bio bi u naučnoj sintezi međunarodno afirmisane agende ljudske bezbjednosti i njenoj kontekstualnoj primjeni kroz djelovanje kanadske mirovne misije u Regiji. Društveni doprinos ovog rada ogleda se u činjenici da se na temeljan način skreće pažnja stručnoj javnosti na kanadski doprinos izgradnji mira na Zapadnom Balkanu, na osnovama liberalnog internacionalizma. ; This thesis aims to explore the links among the motives, purposes and principles of the Canadian foreign policy agenda, with respect to its impact in the field of preserving and building peace in the Western Balkans. The timeframe covers the period from 1991 to1999. With regards to the clarification of this issue, particularly elaborated is the conceptual basis for this foreign policy agenda, then its shaping through the vision of the international position of Canada in the global politics and finally the contextualization of this vision into the Canadian foreign policy mission in the Western Balkans. On a theoretical level, the thesis includes the research into contemporary trends in the field of security, the impact of ideas on foreign policy, the development and implementation of foreign policy strategy, and it also explores the impact of foreign policy actions in the context of preserving and building peace. The scientific objective of this research is appraisal of the effect of that part of Canadian human security agenda relating to participation in international peacekeeping missions in the Western Balkans during the nineteen nineties. The thesis is based on the fact that the Canadian approach and contribution to regional security, observed from the perspective of the theoretical line of human security in the Western Balkans region has not been sufficiently explored from the scientific point of view. This is especially true of the effect of the Canadian troops in the international peacekeeping missions in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and in Kosovo, in relation to the Canadian human security agenda. Scientific contribution of this work would be in the scientific synthesis of the internationally-established human security agenda and its application through contextual actions of Canadian peacekeeping mission in the region. The social contribution of this work is reflected in the fact that the attention is drawn to the expert public in a fundamental way to the Canadian contribution towards peacebuilding in the Western Balkans, on the bases of liberal internationalism.
Based on a state policy perspective, this paper presents the path of Brazil's participation in U.N. peace operations, from its genesis in 1947 to the present day, with the intent to comprehend if there is in fact a progressive and evolutionary pattern in the participation of Brazil in peacekeeping, and which would be the challenges, contributions and future orientations to the country in this matter. For that, in a first moment, the text will bring a conceptual discussion regarding the different definitions and understandings on peacekeeping operations. Subsequently, we will analyze the evolution of UN peacekeeping operations throughout its 70 years and the Brazilian positions during this period. In a third moment, we will present the final considerations identifying the upcoming challenges and the main possible perspectives for Brazil to engage in future peacekeeping operations. The intention, therefore, is to ascertain whether peacekeeping operations, as an instrument of international policy aligned to the guidelines of Brazilian defense policy and foreign policy, should continue to be supported by Brazil or if new reorientations are necessary as a national strategy.
This article addresses the way the work performed by the Brazilian Engineering Company (BRAENGCOY) produced the soft power needed to convert the action of the Brazilian troops at MINUSTAH into smart power. The study presents a profiling of the Brazilian military power deployed in the mission, represented by the security and stabilization forces, and the way that their actions contributed to show its hard power to the world. Following to this, it analyses BRAENGCOY's work, with a focus on those who had a direct impact on the Haitian population, which made it exceed its traditional role as a combat power multiplier agent to also became an attraction power producer, a soft power component. Lastly, it was performed an analysis of the engineering jobs characteristics which favored the soft power production, in order to allow the observation of the advantages of the deployment of engineering troops in peacekeeping missions for the attainment of the smart power synergic effect, by the blend of hard and soft power. ; Este artigo aborda a maneira pela qual o trabalho realizado pela Companhia de Engenharia de Forças de Paz (BRAENGCOY) brasileira resultou na geração do soft power necessário para que a atuação das tropas de paz brasileiras da MINUSTAH se convertesse em smart power. O estudo apresenta uma caracterização do poder militar do Brasil presente na missão, representado pelas forças de segurança e estabilização, e a forma pela qual a sua atuação contribuiu para demonstrar o hard power brasileiro para o mundo. Em seguida, analisa o trabalho realizado pela BRAENGCOY, com um enfoque naqueles que tiveram um impacto direto na população haitiana, o que fez com que ela ultrapassasse o seu papel tradicional de elemento multiplicador do poder de combate para se tornar também em gerador de poder de atração, característica do soft power. Por fim, foi realizada uma análise das características dos trabalhos realizados que favoreceram a geração do soft power, de forma a permitir a observação das vantagens do emprego de tropas de engenharia nas operações de paz para a obtenção do efeito sinérgico do smart power pela combinação de hard e soft power.
Nas últimas décadas assistimos a um avanço dos estudos feministas, que têm trazido importantes contributos para garantir a integração e igualdade de género nas várias áreas, revelando ser uma corrente inovadora por completar e dinamizar a análise, estudo e compreensão da questão de género em especial relativamente à paz e aos conflitos. Até há pouco tempo, os assuntos relacionados com as Mulheres e a Paz não eram temas prioritários e nem eram motivos de discussão da política internacional permitindo que durante anos fossem cometidas atrocidades contra as mulheres, sem que a Comunidade Internacional desse por isso. Atualmente, as mulheres começaram a assumir um papel mais influente nos processos de reconstrução da paz. Esta evolução tem vindo a ser acompanhada por várias iniciativas e contributos a nível internacional, mediante a elaboração de importantes documentos e promoção de fóruns de debate e sensibilização da sociedade global, como é o caso da Resolução 1325 publicada pelo Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas, em 2000. Todos estes processos têm vindo a revelar a importância da promoção da igualdade de género em todas as fases dos processos de (re)construção da paz e da promoção da segurança, incluindo em países como a Guiné-Bissau; ABSTRACT: "The role of women in the peacekeeping processes. The case of Guinea-Bissau" In the last few decades we have witnessed a breakthrough of feminist studies, which have brought relevant contributions to ensure integration (of women to the politics discussion) and gender equality in various areas, what revealed to be an innovative and dynamic chain to improve the analysis, study and comprehension of the gender matters particularly peace vs. conflict subjects (issues). Until this and for many years, issues related to Women and Peace were not a priority and weren't grounds for discussion of international politics which allowed that all the atrocities committed against women remain covered to the eyes and judgement of the International community. From the last few years to now on we can observe how women start to play a more influential and active role in what concern to the development of peacemaking (and peacekeeping) processes. Such evolution has been motivated by different worldwide initiatives and contributions, followed by the development of important documents, promotion of discussions and the awareness of global society forums, such as the 1325 resolution, published by the Security Council of the United Nations in 2000. All these actions (processes) revealed the importance of promoting gender equality in all phases of the (re)construction of peace and the improvement of women rights and safety, including in countries such as Guinea-Bissau.
The paper addresses the transformation of UN peacekeeping operations after the Cold War, based on the Liberian case. The aim is to show the consolidation of a nexus between security and development, which would be related to a process of normalization of international relations, informed by a liberal-democratic vocabulary. Adapted from the source document.
The making of a Constitution is a fundamental process towards the development of a post-conflict State, the peaceful coexistence of its citizens and, in the end, to guaranty the social cohesion & reconciliation, as well as a lasting & sustainable peace. The present article focuses on the relevance of the politico-constitutional dimension as a statebuilding element, analyzing the inherent dilemmas & perversities that may result from the intervention of external actors. The lessons that may be learned from the case of Iraq are relevant in order to identify the limits from external assistance on the making of a Constitution within a post-conflict political transition process, as well as the areas in which it can be optimized. This article argues that the intervention by external actors can be constructive if marginal or even partial at a low intensity level. Adapted from the source document.
The new paradigm in which the People's Republic of China is perceived (from weak & politically fragile to strong) & its growing soft power, in part due to the high rates of economic development, led to the general acceptance of its influence in the South. Perceived as a more convenient partner than the Western countries, China legitimates its presence in Africa & Latin America presenting its own development model, in which economic progress is not linked with political democratization. Using the slogan of South-South cooperation & replacing the so-called Western norms by others with "Chinese characteristics," as the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, Beijing challenges European & US interests in those regions. Adapted from the source document.
The UN has a large experience in conflict management, including preventive diplomacy, peacemaking, peacekeeping & peacebuilding. It faces serious difficulties in several cases of prevention & peacemaking, namely when it has to lead military operations where the use of force goes beyond self-defense. It has, however, immense comparative advantages in peacebuilding & the UN should concentrate its resources where its conflict resolution capacities are most efficient. Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.
Africa has accounted for a disproportionate part of the peacekeeping efforts of the United Nations for at least the past fifteen years (Portuguese-speaking Africa being prominent in this). It seems clear that this situation results from difficulties in the implementation of the post-independence state -- whether as a result of externally generated pressures or of internal issues of political culture or both. This extensive intervention in African conflict has been motivated not only by humanitarian imperatives but also by the 'necessity' of maintaining the fabric of the 'Westphalian' system of states (a concern given greater urgency by the 'war on terror'). While there has been considerable discussion of 'African solutions for African problems' as an alternative, it is likely that UN peacekeeping will retain a prominent place in African conflict management for the foreseeable future. Tables. Adapted from the source document.
This article treats about the role that the United Nations has played in two different moments: before & after the end of Cold War. The author also analyses how peacekeeping operations developed by this international organization have worked in the conflicts that took place in the African continent. Appendixes. Adapted from the source document.
The president of the National Resistance Council of East Timor describes conditions under which the Timorese people at present live, protected by the UN's International Force for East Timor (INTERFET), and their strong desire for a peaceful and prosperous future, as an independent country and part of the international community. Included in a collection of articles under the overall title "As Nações Unidas, a Indonésia e Timor-Leste".
