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Abstract : African countries endowed with natural resources, especially oil have seen violent conflicts due to poor management of the natural resources. Violent conflicts largely where local communities have been systematically excluded from decision-making processes and when the economic benefits are concentrated in the hands of a few thereby causing economic disequilibrium in the society. Misuse of the natural resources has frequently been cited as the main factor that activates, increase or support violent conflicts around the world. When the key stakeholders disagree on the management, distribution and protection of natural resources and related bionetworks. Natural resource conflicts arise when parties disagree about the management, distribution and protection of natural resources and related ecosystems. These conflicts can heighten into brutal relations and violence when the parties are incapable or reluctant to engage in a positive process of dialogue and conflict resolution. While there are many issues associated with extractive industries, the role of natural resources in triggering, escalating or sustaining violent conflict is the focus of this survey and consequently offer relevant in reducing these conflicts so that the natural resources found in Turkana County can truly be a blessing and a catalyst for poverty reduction in Turkana County. Conflict turns out to be difficult once societal mechanisms and institutions for handling and determining conflict break down, giving way to violence. Societies with weak institutions, fragile political systems and divisive social relations can be drawn into cycles of conflict and violence. Preventing this negative spiral and ensuring the peaceful resolution of disputes is a core interest of the international community. The general objective of the survey was to offer strategies in reducing conflicts associated with extractive industries. The methodology used in this survey was both qualitative and quantitative. The research design employed was descriptive survey ...

Abstract This study examines the decision-making processes of military observer trainee teams as they encounter a simulated, 'life-threatening' incident during a car-patrolling exercise. The study takes place in the context of a course which trains military officers to serve in UN peacekeeping operations as unarmed military observers. The data consist of audio-video recordings of eight trainee teams inside and around their patrol cars during a patrolling exercise, as well as of ethnographic field notes and observations. We use conversation analysis to examine what happens between the first noticing of the incident and the decision regarding the next action, and how the trainees work together to form a diagnosis of the situation and choose the appropriate action. The results show how the trainees make a first general interpretation on the situation immediately after its initial noticing and make visible their assessment of the incident site as either safe or unsafe to approach. These interpretations are crucial, as an incorrect interpretation often leads to action that puts the team in danger. The results also show how earlier shared events can affect the decision-making process, as they are indicated as points of comparison on which a team may base their interpretation of the current situation.

The United Nations (UN) is a multilateral organization that addresses issues that transcend national boundaries. The UN Membership approved in 2015 "The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development", which is built on 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) that serve as the guidelines to all countries - developed and developing - in a global partnership towards achieving a better world (UN, 2022). The UN Development Program (UNDP) is one of the 15 UN agencies that focus on international development to achieve the SDGs. The thesis studies factors determining UNDP SDG 16 (Peace, Justice and Strong Institutions) aid allocations for projects in countries with armed conflict or political instability (UNDP, 2019b). The topic's relevance lies in the UNDP`s mission statement: "to eradicate poverty and reduce inequality. We help countries to develop policies, leadership skills, partnering abilities, institutional capabilities, and to build resilience to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals." Thus, the multilateral organization's transparency and criteria affecting the decision-making process behind the allocation of project funds is an important topic to research. The objective is to determine the factors that affect aid allocations under SDG 16 related to projects in countries with armed conflict or political instability during 2016-20. The research targets aid allocations for projects for peaceful resolution in countries with armed conflict or political instability as a dependent variable relying on the indicators of the recipient country`s requirements based on GDP per capita, number of victims during the years of conflict, and democracy indexes, etc. A panel data set of 150 observations covering 2016-2020 on 30 recipient countries and ten donor countries was collected to build an econometric model (fixed-effects and random-effects models), together with partial qualitative analysis on the data-generating stage to define the factors affecting the UNDP project aid allocations to recipient countries under SDG 16. The ...

Demokrasi dalam kehidupan masyarakat moderen memberikan hak kepada warga negara untuk menyuarakan keinginan dan kepentingannya di muka umum, dan hal ini telah dijamin oleh konstitusi. Namun pihak yang terlibat seringkali melupakan bahwa semua ini wajib dilakukan dengan tertib, damai dan aman sehingga tidak jarang aksi ini justru berujung anarkis. Padahal jika setiap pihak yang terlibat mampu memahami hak dan tanggungjawab masing-masing dalam setiap tindakannya, hal semacam ini seharusnya tidak perlu terjadi. Karena pada dasarnya segala hal terkait tindakan warga negara maupun pihak kepolisian telah diatur tegas oleh Undang-Undang. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan pelaksanaan tugas kepolisian dalam melaksanakan kewenangan mereka untuk mengamankan demonstrasi serta kendala yang dihadapinya. Dengan pendekatan perundang-undangan dan konsep, penelitian ini kemudian menggunakan metode penelitian hukum normatif, memakai bahan hukum primer, skunder, dan tersier. Kesimpulannya ditemukan bahwa kendala yang dihadapi Polri dalam menangani aksi unjuk rasa anarkis diantara lain adalah sulitnya aparat dalam memperkirakan banyaknya jumlah massa yang dapat berpotensi melakukan tidakan anarkis, sangat mudahnya medsos menyebarkan hoax, kurangnya Jumlah Personil Kepolisian, dan mudah meledaknya faktor psikologis dari pihak pengunjuk rasa.Kata kunci: Kepolisian, Unjuk Rasa, AnarkisABSTRACTDemocracy in modern society gives citizens the right to voice their wishes and interests in public, and this has been guaranteed by the constitution. However, the parties involved often forget that all of these must be done in an orderly, peaceful and safe manner, which is often these actions end in anarchy. In fact, if each party involved is able to understand their respective rights and responsibilities in each of their actions, this kind of thing should not have to happen. Because basically everything related to the actions of citizens and police has been strictly regulated by law. This study aims to describe the implementation of the police's duties in carrying out their authority to secure demonstrations and the obstacles they face. With a statutory and conceptual approach, this research then uses normative legal research, using primary, secondary, and tertiary legal materials. It was found that the obstacles faced by the Police in dealing with anarchist rallies were the difficulty of the apparatus in estimating the large number of masses who could potentially carry out anarchic actions, the ease with which social media spread hoaxes, the lack of police personnel, and the easy explosion of psychological factors on the part of the protesters.Keywords: Police, Demonstrations, Anarchy

All countries around the world take various crime prevention initiatives to control crime to safeguard the peaceful living of their citizens and ensure socio-economic development of the countries. This study aims at studying the nature and trend of crime in Bangladesh and examines the history, structure, operational management, functional process, and success of community policing. It also attempts to investigate the feasibility of practicing community policing in the Bangladeshi context. This study employs a descriptive qualitative research design to collect relevant data using secondary sources. The results show that Bangladesh has been practicing both formal and informal crime prevention mechanisms. Formal crime control uses the law and government agencies, such as police, courts, and prisons to deter crime; while informal crime control employs moral and social institutions such as the family, religion, peers, and neighborhood groups to prevent deviant behaviors. The study also finds that the rapid modernization and substantial urbanization subsided the informal social justice system and strengthen the formal legal institutions. Overall, community policing was found to be a feasible strategy to control crime in Bangladesh with some modification and by improving the existing structure.

This article problematises the status quo bias in IR socialisation research, and develops an alternative concept of competitive socialisation, through which subaltern actors internalise dominant norms, enhance their competitive edge, and enact more equalised power relations in global politics. The dominant strand of IR socialisation research mostly conceives of socialisation as a status-quo-oriented practice that reinforces the existing power hierarchy, such as teacher-student relationship. This has resulted in a one-sided theory neglecting the importance of proactive and self-directed socialisation efforts embarked upon by subaltern actors themselves. Based on an alternative sociological approach that defines socialisation as a practice of self-enhancement, this article develops the concept of competitive socialisation and articulates alternative pathways to the internalisation of dominant norms. It applies this framework to the cases of Chinese socialisation into the peacekeeping community, and Russia's socialisation into the multilateral development community. These case studies demonstrate that the holistic internalisation of dominant Western norms has enabled Beijing and Moscow to challenge the existing global power hierarchy. This, in turn, resulted in fundamental changes in their behaviours from initial norm rejection, to passive acceptance, and finally to active learning and norm internalisation.

International audience ; The legitimacy of democratically elected governments rests in part on widespread acceptance of the outcome of elections, especially among those who lost. This "losers' consent" allows the winners to govern, and when the incumbent is the losing party, it allows for a peaceful transition of power. What happens in a democratic system when one side not only refuses to concede but also actively perpetuates lies about the outcome? This article studies the evolution of public opinion about Donald Trump's "big lie" using a rolling cross-sectional daily tracking survey, yielding 40 days of polls and more than 20,000 responses from US voters from October 27, 2020, through January 29, 2021. We find that the lie is pervasive and sticky: the number of Republicans and independents saying that they believe the election was fraudulent is substantial, and this proportion did not change appreciably over time or shift after important political developments. Belief in the lie may have buoyed some of Trump supporters' self-esteem. In reaction to the lie and the threat it brought to the transition of power, there was a significant rise in support for violent political activism among Democrats, which only waned after efforts to overturn the election clearly failed. Even if these findings merely reflect partisan cheerleading, we nonetheless find significant and potentially long-term consequences of the lie. A conjoint experiment shows that Republican voters reward politicians who perpetuate the lie, giving Republican candidates an incentive to continue to do so in the next electoral cycle. These findings raise concerns about the fragility of American democracy.

39% of young French people today have a family member who's been impacted by the Algerian War of Independence. Based on a survey of 3 000 people aged 18 – 25, and 75 interviews with grand-children of veterans, harkis, pieds-noirs, jews from Algeria and FLN or OAS activists, this research explores what young people know and retain from this past, what has been transmitted in millions of families affected by this history and the way the new generation interpret, negotiate and use this heritage in daily life. Generally speaking, this thesis questions the role collective memory has on young people's identity building and political socialization.If family transmission determines a stronger interest in this history and even the shape of some accounts might take, judgment over the past remains primarily defined by political orientation and the content of family political socialization.Young descendants have simply a specific and intimate relationship to this past, identity questions of their own and a stronger politization. However, antagonisms over the past remains a left and right issue. The permanence of racism, antisemitism and orientations towards immigration and otherness are the main political heritage of the France's Algerian history. For a minority of young people, they remain a source of cleavage and a vector of politization. However, in its majority, the new generation is already building a more peaceful and more consensual relationship to the past. ; 39% des jeunes âgés de 18 à 25 ans ont aujourd'hui un lien familial avec une personne affectée par la guerre d'Algérie. Sur la base d'une enquête auprès de 3 000 jeunes et de 75 entretiens avec des petits-enfants d'appelés, de pieds-noirs, de harkis, de juifs d'Algérie, de militants au FLN ou à l'OAS, la thèse permet de faire le constat de ce que les jeunes savent et retiennent de ce passé, de ce qui a été transmis dans les millions de familles affectées par cette histoire, et de la façon dont cette nouvelle génération interprète, négocie et utilise cette ...

The XYZ Affair was the most significant political incident during twenty years of the Franco- American alliance (1778–1798). It was the leading cause of the diplomatic crisis and the Quasi-War in relations between two countries from 1798 to 1800. Based on sources such as treaties, monographs, and other documents from the American side which are related to the topic, the article aims to analyze the crisis in Franco-American diplomacy after twenty years of establishing the alliances through the XYZ Affair and the Quasi-War. The study focuses on presenting the breakdown of trust in the Franco-American relations that led to the emergence of the XYZ Affair; the diplomatic crisis in the Franco-American relations known as the XYZ Affair and the Quasi-War between both countries and efforts of two countries to find a peaceful solution. The research shows that the XYZ Affair had been the biggest conflict case in the history of the Franco-American relations since 1778. In fact, America's interest and honour in the XYZ Affair was the fundamental cause leading to the severe crisis in relations between two countries. The article contributes to clarifying the history of the XYZ Affair, the Quasi-War, the Franco-American relations, and a part of American diplomatic history in the first half of the founding era of the United States.

International audience ; This paper proposes to briefly explain why the gradual decline and probable end of historyof France's traditional policy in Africa in this new era of globalization. The gradual declineof France's traditional policy in Africa is simply understood as the progressive decadence, in the path towards the end of history of France' s evolving neo-colonial policy—of meta-morphic French neo-colonialism, on the African continent and in its sub-Saharan bosom inparticular, passing from libertinage and coercive prescriber gendarme to "peacekeeper" andreserves; from collusion to the pronounced appearance of arm-wrestling and criticism; fromtacit legitimacy to pronounced fed up; switches to the progressive breakdown of privileges, monopolies and abusive dominations; and from the open sky to hypocrisy, taboo and sacrilege. By using Central African Republic and Mali as specific cases of concrete illustrations, the results that emerge from this paper show that the rise of soft engagement and the decline of hard engagement, the pronounced exposureof win-lose results of the said policy, the rise of new anti-neocolonial public opinion and the retreat of French power on the African continent and in its sub-Saharan bosom in particular are the main root causes of the gradual decline of France's traditional policy in Africa and towards its probable end of history in this new era of globalization. To conclude, this paper has noted the need for further in-depth studies in the sense of identifying and seeing the results and implications of the decline of the said policy in this new era of globalization.

The article aims to determine how the change in the status quo in the aftermath of the Karabakh war in 2020 influenced Russia's position in the region. It strives to answer the question of how this change impacted the geopolitical power balance for Russia. The author used the historical events' analysis method as well as examined both official information and the opinions of independent experts before attempting to make the most important provisions by comparing, contrasting and analysing these frequently diametrically opposed forecasts and opinions. The author argues that, contrary to some speculations, the situation might have changed not in favour of Russia in the longer run. The Karabakh war of 2020 highlighted the competition between regional powers, including Turkey, in the region and beyond. As a result of the war of 2020, Russia was able to station its peacekeepers in Nagorno-Karabakh but also had to count with Turkey's substantial influence over the region, which has a tendency to expand to Central Asia and Northern Caucasus. To withstand the regional competition Moscow has charted a policy to foster economic cooperation projects between warring states, to enhance internal cohesion in this post-USSR territory under its guidance. This will allow Russia to transform the South Caucasus into a more or less stable region that will be its buffer belt, with guaranteed non-hostile regimes. ; Celem artykułu jest określenie, w jaki sposób zmiana status quo w następstwie wojny karabaskiej 2020 roku wpłynęła na pozycję Rosji w regionie. Autorka stara się odpowiedzieć na pytanie, jak ta zmiana wpłynęła na geopolityczny układ sił Rosji. Autorka posłużyła się metodą analizy wydarzeń historycznych, zbadała zarówno oficjalne informacje, jak i opinie niezależnych ekspertów przed podjęciem najważniejszych zapisów, porównując, przeciwstawiając i analizując te często diametralnie przeciwstawne prognozy i opinie. Autorka przekonuje, że wbrew niektórym spekulacjom sytuacja mogła się zmienić na niekorzyść Rosji w dłuższej perspektywie. Wojna karabaska w 2020 roku uwydatniła rywalizację między mocarstwami regionalnymi, w tym Turcją, w regionie i poza nim. W wyniku wojny z 2020 roku Rosja rozmieściła siły pokojowe w Górskim Karabachu, ale musiała też liczyć się z istotnymi wpływami Turcji w regionie, który ma tendencję do ekspansji na Azję Centralną i Północny Kaukaz. Aby przeciwstawić się regionalnej konkurencji, Moskwa opracowała politykę wspierania projektów współpracy gospodarczej między walczącymi państwami, aby wzmocnić wewnętrzną spójność na tym obszarze poradzieckim. Pozwoli to Rosji na przekształcenie Kaukazu Południowego w mniej lub bardziej stabilny region, który będzie jej pasem buforowym z gwarantowanymi niewrogimi reżimami.

The Bosnian Genocide was a horrific ethnic and religious conflict that took place towards the end of the twentieth century. In the Genocide, Serbian nationalist fighters systematically killed over 80,000 Bosnian Muslims over a four-year period. The unique political and religious context of the conflict—in which Islam, Orthodox Christianity, and Catholicism were all important communal identifiers—should prompt a nuanced discussion of how religion functions in the midst of conflict. Utilizing Eboo Patel's concept of the "faith line" and religious pluralism as a point of origin, this article argues for increased attention to theological peacebuilding work in the wake of the Bosnian Genocide. To do so, this article will begin with a review of the historical roots of the conflict which will demonstrate the intimate role that religion played in the conflict, as well as the different religious justifications offered by the Bosnian government. This article will then engage in a comparative analysis of both Christian and Muslim reconciliation traditions, demonstrating that peacebuilding is not simply a political goal, but is also directly related to the respective faith traditions of Islam and Christianity. Finally, several reconciliation projects, both secular and religious, are highlighted in order to show how religious pluralism still plays an active role in breaking down communal boundaries and promoting peace.

Two prominent features in current world affairs are the unprecedented level of global economic integration and the growing incidence of intrastate violence. We develop and test a novel argument linking global integration through foreign investment to intrastate armed conflict. The presence of multinational corporations in developing countries can cause market concentration, resulting in high rents. Disputes between governments and would-be challengers over the appropriation of these rents are likely to turn violent, increasing the incidence of armed conflict. State capacity mitigates this positive association between foreign investment and intrastate war. Strong states have the capacity to deter rebellions, address citizens' demands through institutionalized mechanisms, and credibly commit to the peaceful resolution of conflicts. Using data from developing countries for over four decades and addressing potential endogeneity and selection biases, we find strong support for our hypotheses. Our findings have important implications for understanding the link between economic interdependence and conflict.

This sixth volume of Allons-y: Journal of Children Peace and Security focuses on the implementation of the Vancouver Principles in light of the successes, lessons learned, and challenges of the past twenty-five years of the Children and Armed Conflict (CAAC) Agenda. The volume began its journey in 2021, which represented a number of important milestones for children, peace and security: the 25th anniversary of the establishment of the CAAC Agenda with General Assembly Resolution 51/77 (1996), the 20th anniversary of Security Council Resolution 1379 (2001) which first mandated that the Secretary-General publish a list of parties to conflict who recruited and used child soldiers, and 2021 was the International Year for the Elimination of Child Labour. As multiple of the authors in this volume note, there have been great advancements in the recognition of the specific harms children face during armed conflict and in the international system to prevent and redress them over the past 25 years. These include the adoption of a specific treaty on children's involvement in armed conflict, the establishment of the Monitoring and Reporting Mechanism for grave violations of children's right, and the inclusion of child protection mandates in UN peacekeeping operations. States, the UN, and civil society now have multiple tools to aid in better protecting children, and particularly, in preventing their recruitment and use as soldiers, such as the Vancouver Principles, Safe Schools Declaration, and Paris Principles. This time has also witnessed expanded research into children's experiences during armed conflict and how to better protect them, from a range of disciplines from history to social work to international relations.At the same time, the past twenty-five years have seen the emergence or return of conflict dynamics which further expose children to violence and make their protection even more difficult. The Russian invasion of Ukraine is the latest example of the disregard for children during war, while existing conflicts in Yemen, South Sudan, Mozambique, and elsewhere continue to involve children as both perpetrators and victims of violence. These include the challenges in effective multilateral responses by the UN due to great power politics and challenges to the international system, the intractability of longstanding civil conflicts that affect hundreds of millions of children, and changes in armed conflict such as the scope of violence by organized crime, the splintering of armed groups and use of terrorist tactics, and new developments in cyber warfare and autonomous weapons. Support for basic human rights and the resources required to address children's needs, are sorely lacking and not rising to meet the challenges of the current world. We hope these reflections on the roles of youth, the UN, civil society, and committed governments in advancing the CAAC agenda into the next quarter century can help foster new thinking, strategies, and relationships to raise children's place in the peace and security agenda and further the cause of peace globally.

We investigate the consequences of a peaceful shift of power from one social group to another. Theoretically, we show that an individual's decision to stay put or migrate depends on the difference between the political preferences of groups and the change in tax. Empirically, we use the case of the unexpected creation of the Canton of Jura in Switzerland, which witnessed a power shift from German to French speakers in the 1970s. We find robust evidence supporting the model's predictions using data at the municipal and individual levels. Our research sheds light on population sorting in the shadow of power transitions.