Suchergebnisse

Assesses the development activities of the UN Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC) in terms of the well-being of women. The UN peacekeeping effort is praised for resisting a combat role & laying the groundwork for democratic change, but it is argued that its approach to development has directly contributed to the deterioration of the security of women & the poor. The nature of foreign investment, which has favored urban areas & the foreign-oriented tertiary sector, has resulted in food inflation, the diversion of skilled labor away from the production of social goods, the economic exploitation of vulnerable population segments, & increased urban migration, unemployment, poverty, & crime. These impacts have disproportionately affected the poor & women, particularly the large number of female-headed households. Women have also suffered from the UN presence in the form of sexual abuse, exploitation, & harrassment by soldiers. The international community is called on to recognize these problems & work cooperatively with the Cambodian people to alleviate them. E. Blackwell

This work analyses the effect of deregulation and commercialisation of the broadcast media in Nigeria since 1992. Concretely it focuses on radio stations, the nature of their programming decisions and what informs them. It studies the effect of deregulation on three dimensions: a) Production and distribution of Programmes. The broadcast industry manufactures and distributes content, so when a deregulation policy is applied to communication industry, the immediate effect is on content production and how this content is distributed in order to remain in business and maximize profit. b) Pubic services function of these programmes in relation to development communication/journalism, education, peacebuilding, amelioration of hate speeches both online and offline, culture and social cohesion. In the early beginnings of radio broadcasting, attempts were made to make it a public service for citizens' enlightenment, entertainment and education. British broadcasting was a pioneer of this tradition. This tradition remained for a long time before the policy of deregulation swept across the world. This work will analyse how deregulation and commercialisation may have affected the contribution of radio as Nigeria faces one of its biggest problems today: hate speech, ethnic and religious violence, radicalisation and terrorism. c) Access and participation for a broad range of segments in society, the rich, the poor, marginalized groups, women and others. In what ways have access and participation been constricted or improved for these groups as a result of deregulation and commercialisation of radio? It looks at hate speech in Nigeria, analysing its forms, dimensions and magnitude. It also, proposes strategies that could be used to ameliorate its impact. While legislation and regulations are potential strategies to consider, It argues that, even in this digital era, radio in Nigeria is still a powerful and popular medium in countering hate speech in the country, and if properly deployed, radio can be a potent tool in countering ...

In early 2014, Bosnia and Herzegovina experienced the worst civil unrest it had seen since the 1992 - 1995 war as a wave of protest, called by media commentators 'the Bosnian Spring', shook the fragile country. The initially fierce and violent protests soon took a more institutionalized form as the protesters began forming plena, or citizens' assemblies, and articulating their demands through the means of direct democracy. This research seeks to give a comprehensive understanding of how the country had come to such state that its people were willing to raise up on the barricades that year. This is done by utilizing the perspective of criticism of liberal peacebuilding – a top-down led peacebuilding strategy applied in BiH. The failures of liberal peacebuilding are juxtaposed with a thorough analysis of the protest movement: who did they seek to represent, what was the object of their resistance and how did they undertake their resistance? To answer these questions, a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) of documentation produced by the protesters, such as lists of demands, declarations, statements and meeting reports, is carried out. The findings of the research point out that the Bosnian Spring protest movement can be described as partly a workers' movement, building on the socialist-era tradition, and partly a populist or civic movement, claiming legitimacy also beyond the working class. The asymmetric power relations between the protesters and the political establishment served as a key factor for defining the collective identity of the movement. Attempting to escape domination by political parties, elites and governments, the movement constructed its proclaimed apolitical identity based on the people-versus-elite dichotomy. Manipulation by the establishment, years of experienced neglect and wrongdoings and common calls for solidarity between the plena served to strengthen the collective identity. The movement focused its resistance particularly on political parties, elites and governments, administrative and political inertia and neoliberalism. Calling for social justice, the movement's most common demands included taking away unjustified financial benefits from political party and government representatives and redistributing them to the society, replacing current governments with politically unaffiliated expert governments, reversing the failed post-war privatization processes and ending the impunity of repressive state-authorities and those benefiting illegally from the privatizations. The research pieces together a portrait of the peace process in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which has been characterized by stagnation, grey economy, corruption, clientelism, economic exploitation, a pronounced role of predatory elites and a dependency on a long-living international presence. While the poorly performing ethno-nationalist parties have dominated the legislatures, their success in repeatedly winning their seats has been contrasted by an overwhelming distrust towards them, prevalent among average Bosnians. At the same time, the importance of basic socio-economic issues for the everyday lives of Bosnians has been overlooked parallel to a disproportionate emphasis of inter-ethnic distrust. The Bosnian Spring protests fit this narrative expectedly, as the protesters' criticism of the status quo of ethno-nationalist parties and elites sent out a message that hunger weights more than political fault lines. The links between the failures of liberal peacebuilding and the witnessed resistance are deemed evident as at the root of the protesters' criticism were the same issues that liberal peacebuilding seeks to achieve: democracy, rule of law, civil society, human rights and economic liberalization. It is argued that the space for civil society actors to influence societal developments in Bosnia and Herzegovina and to act to bring upon positive change is highly restricted due to the domination and manipulation by the political elites.

In a country that has faced for decades armed conflict, the role that most of the private and public universities have play in peacebuilding is still reticent, because in most of the cases for these actors, and in general for the Colombian society and state, it is not clear which should be their role in this kind of context. However, some universities have assumed a more active and visible role in peacebuilding and reconciliation processes, through activities oriented to reconstruct the social foundations of communities. Besides, the preoccupation for the country's political and social situation, which at the same time is determined by the dynamics of conflict, have made some universities to create and lead efforts and actions for building peace that goes beyond the academic level. Through these actions, the university also becomes a decisive actor on the mentioned processes. ; Peer Reviewed