Battle of words – analysis of election slogans from the campaign to the Sejm and the Senate of 2019 In the paper Battle of words – analysis of election slogans from the campaign to the Sejm and the Senate of 2019 Albert Guziak conducted an analysis of the official slogans and selected secondary election catchwords used by political parties during the last election campaign to the Polish parliament in 2019. The collected material was examined from the political-linguistic perspective, according to which the author focused on linguistic aspects (used lexis, methods of argumentation, grammatical modifications made) and political science criteria for the evaluation of election slogans (taking into account the effectiveness of the message, assessing the placing of the usage use of election slogans into the context of the ideological profile of a given political group and from the perspective of the social economic reality accompanying the election campaign of 2019). The aim of the paper is to try to define the specificity of slogans used for persuasive purposes in one of the most important domains of political activity i.e. the election campaign. The first part of the title – "Battle for words" – of the chapter was consciously chosen by the author to emphasize the 'militaristic' and aggressive nature of the use of language in election campaigns. By selecting and analyzing authentic election slogans, the author wants to capture the most important elements and features that characterize election slogans; to this end, he confronts the collected linguistic material with theoretical studies on political slogans, e.g. Marek Koch's work: Slogany w reklamie i polityce (Slogans in advertising and politics), as well as the study: Język marketingu politycznego w kampanii wyborczej '97 (The language of political marketing in the '97 election campaign) by Aneta Banasik.
The main determinant of the development of the contemporary political communication constitutes the attempt to impart a rational dimension to the actions of communication in compliance with Weber's understanding of the term. M. Weber claimed that rationism is a direct reflection of (a) the ability to determine such aims which are optimal and adequate to one's own resources within a given situational context, as well as the possibility to calculate the consequences of the actions undertaken (rational actions on account of the aim) and/or (b) orientation of actions around a given value system (rational actions on account of the values). In this view, a direction of the development of the contemporary conception of political communication reflects the evolutionary transformation of the relations between an axiological and instrumental-functional approach to the process of creating, planning, and executing communication strategies. Four stages in the development of the conception of communicative actions strategically ordered can be distinguished: — stage I: domination of communicative actions oriented around the political system of values preferable by the sender of the information (the stage of a traditional political propaganda; the chief aim of communicative influences — social integration/persuasion), — stage II: a relative balance of actions oriented around preferable political values and pragmatic aims (the stage of institutionalised political propaganda; the chief aim of communicative influences — persuasion/integration/political activation), — stage III: domination of pragmatic aims parallel with political values preferable by the sender of the information (the stage of early communication campaigns market-oriented; the chief aim of communicative influences — persuasion/political activation), — stage IV: correlation of pragmatic aims and instrumental values (the stage of a developed political marketing communication; the chief aim of communicative influences — political motivation, with the main emphasis on the election activation). An increasing popularity of the marketing methods of organization and conducting political campaigns should be treated as a subsequent stage of the search for the efficient formula of political communication, the stage whose main determinants are the following: — organizational transformation of traditional political subjects (political parties, electional organizations of candidates), — gradual professionalization of politics, in two perspectives: professionalization of political parties evident in the increase of the role of professional politics in making important organizational decisions, as well as the appearance of new actors on the political stage, political consultants, taking over the position of a central decisive centre in political organizations, with responsibility for preparation and implementation of the political communication strategy, — mediatisation of political communication — means of mass communication have become the main transmission channel of political information on the one hand, and, on the other hand, a kind of creator of the political reality, shaping the image of the political market, particular political subjects, or the course of political rivalry by active selection and exposure of given information according to the commercial and/or political interests of the media transmitters, — change of the system of factors determining political behaviours (electional behaviours in particular) of citizens — what becomes especially important in this context is a progressing decrease of the level of political identification leading to the increase of the number of citizens slightly engaged in the political enterprise, possessing relatively low competences of receiving and understanding transmitted political information, as well as basic problems with taking a given political decision. The complexity of the market conditions makes the subjects of political rivalry choose and develop communication marketing strategies. Such a way of organizing and realising political communicative campaigns — in accordance with the four basic criteria: efficiency, predictability, calculationism, and the use of advanced technology — may be treated as an optimal variant of a strategic adjustment of the contemporary organizations to diversified requirements of the political environment.
Polish legal acts stipulate that the purpose of a referendum campaign is to present the attitude of citizens, political parties, associations, foundations and other entities to the subject of the referendum. Thus the content of the messages should refer to the European issues and in particular to the benefits and problems generated by Poland's accession to the European Union, as well as to the arguments for or against the very accession and the changes Poland and her citizens would face following the result of the vote. However, the analysis of referendum messages broadcast by the state radio and television demonstrates that a significant number of entities that participated in the campaign, in particular of political parties, have used their time in order to present themselves (shaping or modifying their image) or to criticize and fight their political adversaries (by means of a negative campaign, tarnishing the image of opponents and emphasizing the differences between different actors on the political stage). Various instruments of persuasion and political competition were applied to achieve this goal, mainly linguistic tools and the manipulation of sound and picture. ; Polish legal acts stipulate that the purpose of a referendum campaign is to present the attitude of citizens, political parties, associations, foundations and other entities to the subject of the referendum. Thus the content of the messages should refer to the European issues and in particular to the benefits and problems generated by Poland's accession to the European Union, as well as to the arguments for or against the very accession and the changes Poland and her citizens would face following the result of the vote. However, the analysis of referendum messages broadcast by the state radio and television demonstrates that a significant number of entities that participated in the campaign, in particular of political parties, have used their time in order to present themselves (shaping or modifying their image) or to criticize and fight their political adversaries (by means of a negative campaign, tarnishing the image of opponents and emphasizing the differences between different actors on the political stage). Various instruments of persuasion and political competition were applied to achieve this goal, mainly linguistic tools and the manipulation of sound and picture.
Publikacja poświęcona została wyborom do Parlamentu Europejskiego w oparciu o kampanię wyborczą na Lubelszczyźnie. Rozdziały kolejno poświęcone zostały genezie i specyfice Parlamentu Europejskiego, ukazaniu wyborów do Parlamentu Europejskiego jako miernika rozwoju społeczeństwa obywatelskiego w Polsce, nakreśleniu aksjologicznego tła analizowanej kampanii, pokazaniu rywalizacji wyborczej przez pryzmat problematyki ukraińskiej, problematyce kreacji wizerunku liderów list wyborczych do Parlamentu Europejskiego na Lubelszczyźnie, perswazji retorycznej ukazanej na tle innych sposobów kreowania wizerunku, prezentacji kandydatów na łamach prasy regionalnej, w mediach społecznościowych, a także przy użyciu wizualnej reklamy zewnętrznej oraz reklamy w internecie. Wieloaspektowe ujęcie tematu kampanii wyborczej do Parlamentu Europejskiego na Lubelszczyźnie w 2014 roku, zdaniem redaktorki, pozwala na lepsze zrozumienie specyfiki tej kampanii. ; The publication was devoted to the elections to the European Parliament on the basic of the election campaign in Lublin voivodeship. The chapters are devoted to the genesis and specifications of the European Parliament, showing the elections to the European Parliament as a measure of the development of civil society in Poland, outlining the axiological framework of the analysed campaign, showing the election rivalry through the prism of Ukrainian issues, the issue of creating leaders to election list to the European Parliament in Lublin voivodeship, rhetorical persuasion shown against the background of other methods of creating an image, presenting candidates in the regional press, in social media as well as using visual and internet advertising. A multi-aspect take on the election campaign to the European Parliament in Lublin voivodeship in 2014 allows for a better understanding of the specificity of this title according to the editor.
Publikacja poświęcona została wyborom do Parlamentu Europejskiego w oparciu o kampanię wyborczą na Lubelszczyźnie. Rozdziały kolejno poświęcone zostały genezie i specyfice Parlamentu Europejskiego, ukazaniu wyborów do Parlamentu Europejskiego jako miernika rozwoju społeczeństwa obywatelskiego w Polsce, nakreśleniu aksjologicznego tła analizowanej kampanii, pokazaniu rywalizacji wyborczej przez pryzmat problematyki ukraińskiej, problematyce kreacji wizerunku liderów list wyborczych do Parlamentu Europejskiego na Lubelszczyźnie, perswazji retorycznej ukazanej na tle innych sposobów kreowania wizerunku, prezentacji kandydatów na łamach prasy regionalnej, w mediach społecznościowych, a także przy użyciu wizualnej reklamy zewnętrznej oraz reklamy w internecie. Wieloaspektowe ujęcie tematu kampanii wyborczej do Parlamentu Europejskiego na Lubelszczyźnie w 2014 roku, zdaniem redaktorki, pozwala na lepsze zrozumienie specyfiki tej kampanii. ; The publication was devoted to the elections to the European Parliament on the basic of the election campaign in Lublin voivodeship. The chapters are devoted to the genesis and specifications of the European Parliament, showing the elections to the European Parliament as a measure of the development of civil society in Poland, outlining the axiological framework of the analysed campaign, showing the election rivalry through the prism of Ukrainian issues, the issue of creating leaders to election list to the European Parliament in Lublin voivodeship, rhetorical persuasion shown against the background of other methods of creating an image, presenting candidates in the regional press, in social media as well as using visual and internet advertising. A multi-aspect take on the election campaign to the European Parliament in Lublin voivodeship in 2014 allows for a better understanding of the specificity of this title according to the editor.
The author draws attention to the consideration of the complexity of civil participation in deliberative democracy, indicating that the legislator assumed that dialogue is to be a way of existence, and thus the basis of any social situation in the state. State authorities appointed to serve the people and the common good have to ask citizens about their position in the case, not in order to obtain the desired response, thus emphasizing the departure from the monologue culture in favor of dialogue and communication with the public. The author claims that the normative foundations of the community state are linked by the conviction that public values and purposes are established in the communication process. In this approach, it is important to achieve public purposes and the quality of their achievement, its constructive features are: network, multi-level management, conciliation, participation. The basic mechanisms of action of this type of state are: deliberation, compromise and arrangements are made in the social networks – the dominant type of management of public affairs in this model is co-management. Solicitude of the state as a common good obliges not only a citizen, but means that a citizen has the right to expect that public authority will act so that the Republic of Poland can be considered a common good by citizens. Referring to literature, the author notes that deliberative democracy and its concept put more emphasis on the importance of conversation, discussion and debate on democratic practice than on the importance of voting. Its supporters argue that the debate improves the quality of collective decisions and increases the chances of their acceptance. Varieties of deliberative democracy range from accentuating local representation to reinforcing the debate within representative legislative bodies. The article points out the differences between discourse and deliberation. Moreover, the forms of civic participation and civic participation techniques used in Poland are presented. We have come to live in times when communication, both traditional and with the help of modern media, plays a significant role in shaping societies. It is important to understand the basic laws guiding communication, the ability to properly form interpersonal relationships, cognize the factors affecting the quality of messages transmitted, the technique of freedom of expression, the skill of persuasion and argumentation. The correct perception of the essence of dialogue in a deliberative democracy is its foundation, especially when it concerns institutions aimed at turning natural and legal persons to public decision-making process. Considering the literature, it was found that new participative solutions, primarily the ability to dialogue, could prevent a democratic deficit and also indicated that that civic participation impacts on the creation of deliberative democracy. ; The author draws attention to the consideration of the complexity of civil participation in deliberative democracy, indicating that the legislator assumed that dialogue is to be a way of existence, and thus the basis of any social situation in the state. State authorities appointed to serve the people and the common good have to ask citizens about their position in the case, not in order to obtain the desired response, thus emphasizing the departure from the monologue culture in favor of dialogue and communication with the public. The author claims that the normative foundations of the community state are linked by the conviction that public values and purposes are established in the communication process. In this approach, it is important to achieve public purposes and the quality of their achievement, its constructive features are: network, multi-level management, conciliation, participation. The basic mechanisms of action of this type of state are: deliberation, compromise and arrangements are made in the social networks – the dominant type of management of public affairs in this model is co-management. Solicitude of the state as a common good obliges not only a citizen, but means that a citizen has the right to expect that public authority will act so that the Republic of Poland can be considered a common good by citizens. Referring to literature, the author notes that deliberative democracy and its concept put more emphasis on the importance of conversation, discussion and debate on democratic practice than on the importance of voting. Its supporters argue that the debate improves the quality of collective decisions and increases the chances of their acceptance. Varieties of deliberative democracy range from accentuating local representation to reinforcing the debate within representative legislative bodies. The article points out the differences between discourse and deliberation. Moreover, the forms of civic participation and civic participation techniques used in Poland are presented. We have come to live in times when communication, both traditional and with the help of modern media, plays a significant role in shaping societies. It is important to understand the basic laws guiding communication, the ability to properly form interpersonal relationships, cognize the factors affecting the quality of messages transmitted, the technique of freedom of expression, the skill of persuasion and argumentation. The correct perception of the essence of dialogue in a deliberative democracy is its foundation, especially when it concerns institutions aimed at turning natural and legal persons to public decision-making process. Considering the literature, it was found that new participative solutions, primarily the ability to dialogue, could prevent a democratic deficit and also indicated that that civic participation impacts on the creation of deliberative democracy.
