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Over the last few decades, political philosophers have been formulating the identity of their discipline not merely in terms of their inner objective. An aggressive attack of political scientists contributed significantly towards the perception of the identity of political philosophy. The definition of the purpose of political philosophy became dependent on the existence of a strong external opponent. This was hardly the case with the political philosophers representing the former generations. They contributed towards development of political philosophy without thinking about guard against representatives of other sciences. During the last few decades, political philosophers have come up with the definition of the purpose of their discipline. But they do not adhere to it in their real philosophical investigations. This non-adherence is caused not by the lack of professional ethics, will power or by dissimulation. Political philosophy as a discipline is too broad and controversial to be enclosed in the framework of a single definition of purpose. The definition of the purpose formulated during several decades of debates with political scientists, is oriented towards the external rather than internal use.

Over the last few decades, political philosophers have been formulating the identity of their discipline not merely in terms of their inner objective. An aggressive attack of political scientists contributed significantly towards the perception of the identity of political philosophy. The definition of the purpose of political philosophy became dependent on the existence of a strong external opponent. This was hardly the case with the political philosophers representing the former generations. They contributed towards development of political philosophy without thinking about guard against representatives of other sciences. During the last few decades, political philosophers have come up with the definition of the purpose of their discipline. But they do not adhere to it in their real philosophical investigations. This non-adherence is caused not by the lack of professional ethics, will power or by dissimulation. Political philosophy as a discipline is too broad and controversial to be enclosed in the framework of a single definition of purpose. The definition of the purpose formulated during several decades of debates with political scientists, is oriented towards the external rather than internal use.

Over the last few decades, political philosophers have been formulating the identity of their discipline not merely in terms of their inner objective. An aggressive attack of political scientists contributed significantly towards the perception of the identity of political philosophy. The definition of the purpose of political philosophy became dependent on the existence of a strong external opponent. This was hardly the case with the political philosophers representing the former generations. They contributed towards development of political philosophy without thinking about guard against representatives of other sciences. During the last few decades, political philosophers have come up with the definition of the purpose of their discipline. But they do not adhere to it in their real philosophical investigations. This non-adherence is caused not by the lack of professional ethics, will power or by dissimulation. Political philosophy as a discipline is too broad and controversial to be enclosed in the framework of a single definition of purpose. The definition of the purpose formulated during several decades of debates with political scientists, is oriented towards the external rather than internal use.

Over the last few decades, political philosophers have been formulating the identity of their discipline not merely in terms of their inner objective. An aggressive attack of political scientists contributed significantly towards the perception of the identity of political philosophy. The definition of the purpose of political philosophy became dependent on the existence of a strong external opponent. This was hardly the case with the political philosophers representing the former generations. They contributed towards development of political philosophy without thinking about guard against representatives of other sciences. During the last few decades, political philosophers have come up with the definition of the purpose of their discipline. But they do not adhere to it in their real philosophical investigations. This non-adherence is caused not by the lack of professional ethics, will power or by dissimulation. Political philosophy as a discipline is too broad and controversial to be enclosed in the framework of a single definition of purpose. The definition of the purpose formulated during several decades of debates with political scientists, is oriented towards the external rather than internal use.

The paper explores the paradoxes of the political philosophy of liberalism. Liberal conception of justice is incapable of providing grounds for an identity of liberalism. Liberals do not have a moral conception of their own. This is a source of a paradox. Political identity points to morality and moral identity points to politics. The aim of this paper is to clarify this paradox. Political liberalism is based on certain assumptions of a philosophy of culture. Liberals defend a conception of culture which justifies their inconsistencies. They lack any coherent conception of morality and politics. The article is an attempt to prove this by using the "final position" – an alternative to the Rawlsian "original position".

The paper explores the paradoxes of the political philosophy of liberalism. Liberal conception of justice is incapable of providing grounds for an identity of liberalism. Liberals do not have a moral conception of their own. This is a source of a paradox. Political identity points to morality and moral identity points to politics. The aim of this paper is to clarify this paradox. Political liberalism is based on certain assumptions of a philosophy of culture. Liberals defend a conception of culture which justifies their inconsistencies. They lack any coherent conception of morality and politics. The article is an attempt to prove this by using the "final position" – an alternative to the Rawlsian "original position".

The paper presents an overview of analytical philosophy in Lithuania. It is observed that analytical philosophy had not been studied or developed in Lithuania before the 1970s, when Evaldas Nekrasas and Rolandas Pavilionis began their work in philosophy of science and philosophy of language, rooted in analytical tradition. The article discusses the works of Nekrasas and Pavilionis, as well as those of others (e.g., Degutis and Plesnys). It notes that analytical philosophy was the first non-Marxist trend of philosophy to be developed in post-war Lithuania, and thus it was of considerable influence at the time when the Marxist methodology had to be overthrown. Although the influence of analytical philosophy in Lithuania has diminished during later years in favour of postmodern trends, it is still evident in some recent works on philosophy of mind, philosophy of causation, and methodology of the humanities and social sciences. It has also made a strong impact upon the development of political philosophy and research in the history of positivism.

The paper presents an overview of analytical philosophy in Lithuania. It is observed that analytical philosophy had not been studied or developed in Lithuania before the 1970s, when Evaldas Nekrasas and Rolandas Pavilionis began their work in philosophy of science and philosophy of language, rooted in analytical tradition. The article discusses the works of Nekrasas and Pavilionis, as well as those of others (e.g., Degutis and Plesnys). It notes that analytical philosophy was the first non-Marxist trend of philosophy to be developed in post-war Lithuania, and thus it was of considerable influence at the time when the Marxist methodology had to be overthrown. Although the influence of analytical philosophy in Lithuania has diminished during later years in favour of postmodern trends, it is still evident in some recent works on philosophy of mind, philosophy of causation, and methodology of the humanities and social sciences. It has also made a strong impact upon the development of political philosophy and research in the history of positivism.

The paper presents an overview of analytical philosophy in Lithuania. It is observed that analytical philosophy had not been studied or developed in Lithuania before the 1970s, when Evaldas Nekrasas and Rolandas Pavilionis began their work in philosophy of science and philosophy of language, rooted in analytical tradition. The article discusses the works of Nekrasas and Pavilionis, as well as those of others (e.g., Degutis and Plesnys). It notes that analytical philosophy was the first non-Marxist trend of philosophy to be developed in post-war Lithuania, and thus it was of considerable influence at the time when the Marxist methodology had to be overthrown. Although the influence of analytical philosophy in Lithuania has diminished during later years in favour of postmodern trends, it is still evident in some recent works on philosophy of mind, philosophy of causation, and methodology of the humanities and social sciences. It has also made a strong impact upon the development of political philosophy and research in the history of positivism.

The paper presents an overview of analytical philosophy in Lithuania. It is observed that analytical philosophy had not been studied or developed in Lithuania before the 1970s, when Evaldas Nekrasas and Rolandas Pavilionis began their work in philosophy of science and philosophy of language, rooted in analytical tradition. The article discusses the works of Nekrasas and Pavilionis, as well as those of others (e.g., Degutis and Plesnys). It notes that analytical philosophy was the first non-Marxist trend of philosophy to be developed in post-war Lithuania, and thus it was of considerable influence at the time when the Marxist methodology had to be overthrown. Although the influence of analytical philosophy in Lithuania has diminished during later years in favour of postmodern trends, it is still evident in some recent works on philosophy of mind, philosophy of causation, and methodology of the humanities and social sciences. It has also made a strong impact upon the development of political philosophy and research in the history of positivism.

The aim of this article is to inquire the possibilities that philosophical anthropology could propose as a contribution to the today's society. The context is very precise: the author is interested in the alive discussion about the problems and the perspectives of the catholic education after the extention of European Union. So, philosophical anthropology can also give some particular but also basic suggestions. The main thing in the context of growing technological aspect of our society is to protect, to remember the respect for human beeing. This value is especially evident in the sphere of education. So, the article researches several spheres of everyday life experience, but has an interesting task: to enquire if and how these aspects of human life reveal something, that is not simply absorbed by the pure rationality, that indicate the aspect of mystery, always present in a human person. One could remember here the main ideas of Emmanuel Levinas thought. But the article is based rather on the dialogical aspect of different contributions, also of psychology and theology. In the part, that is dedicated to the experience of time, the main author is s. Augustin, the attitude of other authors is rather typical. But mostly in the indication of R. Otto words "fascinans" and "tremendum", that originally were used to describe the experience of Sacrum, one could find an interesting connotation between augustinian reflection on time (also as a moment of kairos, of eternity in the present moment of grace, of convertion) and the indication proposed by famous scientist of religion. The aspect of humour introduces some unexpected and new ideas. One of them is the basic feature of objectivity, that is gained by a good humour. [.]

The aim of this article is to inquire the possibilities that philosophical anthropology could propose as a contribution to the today's society. The context is very precise: the author is interested in the alive discussion about the problems and the perspectives of the catholic education after the extention of European Union. So, philosophical anthropology can also give some particular but also basic suggestions. The main thing in the context of growing technological aspect of our society is to protect, to remember the respect for human beeing. This value is especially evident in the sphere of education. So, the article researches several spheres of everyday life experience, but has an interesting task: to enquire if and how these aspects of human life reveal something, that is not simply absorbed by the pure rationality, that indicate the aspect of mystery, always present in a human person. One could remember here the main ideas of Emmanuel Levinas thought. But the article is based rather on the dialogical aspect of different contributions, also of psychology and theology. In the part, that is dedicated to the experience of time, the main author is s. Augustin, the attitude of other authors is rather typical. But mostly in the indication of R. Otto words "fascinans" and "tremendum", that originally were used to describe the experience of Sacrum, one could find an interesting connotation between augustinian reflection on time (also as a moment of kairos, of eternity in the present moment of grace, of convertion) and the indication proposed by famous scientist of religion. The aspect of humour introduces some unexpected and new ideas. One of them is the basic feature of objectivity, that is gained by a good humour. [.]