Suchergebnisse

Der Beitrag analysiert die Versuche der Regierungen in Argentinien, Bolivien, Ecuador, Nicaragua, Paraguay, Uruguay, Venezuela und Brasilien in den 2000er Jahren den ländlichen Raum zugunsten benachteiligter Sektoren und demokratisch umzugestalten. Die Bilanz fällt ernüchternd aus. Zwar gab es Verbesserungen bei den Lebens- und Arbeitsbedingungen auf dem Land, doch häufig unterstützten die Regierungen die großflächige Exportlandwirtschaft weiter. Die ländlichen sozialen Bewegungen und ihre basisdemokratischen Versuche wurden von den Mitte-Links-Regierungen politisch nicht gestärkt.

Steve Ellner analyzes the debate surrounding the wave of elections of left-leaning political leaders in Latin America, known as the Pink Tide. Critics of these governments, Ellner suggests, emphasize their shortcomings at the expense of recognizing their anti-imperial position.

This article examines the rise of leftist ideology in Ecuador and Bolivia in light of their deepening economic relations with China from 2005 to 2014. First, it reveals that market trends account for trade fluctuations but fail to explain Chinese investment in, and some loan deals with, Ecuador as well as loans to Bolivia. Second, it demonstrates how these forms of funding provided alternatives to U.S.-led international institutions, enabling Rafael Correa and Evo Morales to steer away from Western influence. Third, it contends that four factors led to a cyclic reinforcement of Chinese economic interests and the rise of leftist ideology in Ecuador and Bolivia, namely: mutual complementarity between China's demand for energy/natural resource supply diversification and Pink Tide development agendas; U.S.–China geopolitical competition for influence in Latin America; China's experience in engaging with leftist governments from developing countries; and anti-Americanism shaping national identity in Ecuador and Bolivia.

This article examines the rise of leftist ideology in Ecuador and Bolivia in light of their deepening economic relations with China from 2005 to 2014. First, it reveals that market trends account for trade fluctuations but fail to explain Chinese investment in, and some loan deals with, Ecuador as well as loans to Bolivia. Second, it demonstrates how these forms of funding provided alternatives to U.S.-led international institutions, enabling Rafael Correa and Evo Morales to steer away from Western influence. Third, it contends that four factors led to a cyclic reinforcement of Chinese economic interests and the rise of leftist ideology in Ecuador and Bolivia, namely: mutual complementarity between China's demand for energy/natural resource supply diversification and Pink Tide development agendas; U.S.–China geopolitical competition for influence in Latin America; China's experience in engaging with leftist governments from developing countries; and anti-Americanism shaping national identity in Ecuador and Bolivia.

Abstract
The article analyses the two pink tides in Latin America in relation to contemporary global prospects. First, it recalls the main characteristics of the first tide, mainly linked to Venezuela, Brazil and Bolivia. Second, it explains the limits of the first tide. Third, it focuses on the main characteristics of the second tide, which are analysed in detail later in the article. Fourth, it analyses the reasons behind the recent changes in Colombia. Fifth, it describes the economic transformation system in Cuba. Sixth, it addresses how Brazil is joining the new tide, seventh, particularly concerning Bolsonaro's legacy and Lula's return. Eighth, it shows the revitalization of Lula's social policy, and ninth, the Latin American and global impacts of the recent elections in Latin America. In conclusion, tenth, it formulates future scenarios for the possible development of the second tide in Latin America.

The recent evolution of capitalism has shifted the ground on which developmentalism stood as a civilizing utopia in Latin America, making the neodevelopmentalism that inspired different nuances of progressivism in the twenty-first century an idea "out of place." Starting from this premise, the notions of progressivism as regression and containment as accelerating desocialization form the foundations of an interpretation of the Pink Tide that emphasizes the contradictions inherent in its own dynamics, which reinforced the neoliberal rationale. The attempt to govern social tensions through containment of the ongoing dissociative movement did not stop the regression of the structure of production and the intensification of a self-destructive social dynamic. Progressivism is revealed as a political rationale that is different from but not contradictory to its opponents in a reality in which capital governs as a totalizing extraparliamentary force. A evolução recente do capitalismo modificou as bases materiais que davam sentido ao desenvolvimentismo como utopia civilizatória na América Latina, tornando o neodesenvolvimentismo que inspirou diferentes nuances de progressismo no século XXI, uma ideia fora do lugar. A partir desta premissa, são discutidas as noções de progressismo como regressão e de contenção como aceleracion de dissocializacion, como alicerces de uma interpretação da onda progressista que enfatiza as contradições inerentes à sua própria dinâmica que reforçou a razão neoliberal. A pretensão de governar as tensões sociais por meio de políticas de contenção do movimento dissocializante em curso não evitou a regressão da estrutura produtiva e o aprofundamento de uma dinâmica social autofágica. O progressismo revela-se como uma racionalidade política diferente, mas não contraditória em relação aos seus opositores em uma realidade em que o capital se impõe como uma força extra-parlamentar totalizante.