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Introduction. Latin America's pink tide governments: Challenges, breakthroughs, and setbacks$hSteve Ellner -- Latin America's pink tide: The straitjacket of global Capitalism$hWilliam I Robinson -- Has the pink tide cycle come to an end? Will it have a long-lasting impact?$hSteve Ellner -- Walking the "tightrope" of socialist governance: A strategic relational analysis of twenty-first-century socialism$hMarcel Nelson -- The limits of pragmatism: The rise and fall of the Brazilian Workers' Party (2002-2016)$hPedro Mendes Loureiro and Alfredo Saad-Filho -- The Frente Amplio governments in Uruguay: Policy strategies and results$hNicolas Bentancur and Jose Miguel Busquets -- Kirchnerism in Latin America's Anti-neoliberal Cycle$hMabel Thwaites Rey and Jorge Orovitz Sanmartino -- Class Strategies in Chavista Venezuela: pragmatic and populist policies in a broader context$hSteve Ellner -- An opportunity squandered? Elites, social movements, and the Bolivian government of Evo Morales$hLinda Farthing -- Left populism, democracy, state building and the ephemeral counterhegemony of the Citizens" Revolution in Ecuador$hPatrick Clark and Jacobo Garcia -- Neo-extractivism, class formations, and the pink tide: Considerations on the Venezuelan case$hLuis Fernando Angosto-Ferrandez -- The rise and fall of Sandinista alliances as a means of sociopolitical change in Nicaragua$hHector M. Cruz-Feliciano -- The limits of change: El Salvador's FMLN in power$hHilary Goodfriend -- The last surfer to hit the beach: Mexico and the "pink tide"$hJohn M. Ackerman.

This article examines the rise of leftist ideology in Ecuador and Bolivia in light of their deepening economic relations with China from 2005 to 2014. First, it reveals that market trends account for trade fluctuations but fail to explain Chinese investment in, and some loan deals with, Ecuador as well as loans to Bolivia. Second, it demonstrates how these forms of funding provided alternatives to U.S.-led international institutions, enabling Rafael Correa and Evo Morales to steer away from Western influence. Third, it contends that four factors led to a cyclic reinforcement of Chinese economic interests and the rise of leftist ideology in Ecuador and Bolivia, namely: mutual complementarity between China's demand for energy/natural resource supply diversification and Pink Tide development agendas; U.S.–China geopolitical competition for influence in Latin America; China's experience in engaging with leftist governments from developing countries; and anti-Americanism shaping national identity in Ecuador and Bolivia.

This article examines the rise of leftist ideology in Ecuador and Bolivia in light of their deepening economic relations with China from 2005 to 2014. First, it reveals that market trends account for trade fluctuations but fail to explain Chinese investment in, and some loan deals with, Ecuador as well as loans to Bolivia. Second, it demonstrates how these forms of funding provided alternatives to U.S.-led international institutions, enabling Rafael Correa and Evo Morales to steer away from Western influence. Third, it contends that four factors led to a cyclic reinforcement of Chinese economic interests and the rise of leftist ideology in Ecuador and Bolivia, namely: mutual complementarity between China's demand for energy/natural resource supply diversification and Pink Tide development agendas; U.S.–China geopolitical competition for influence in Latin America; China's experience in engaging with leftist governments from developing countries; and anti-Americanism shaping national identity in Ecuador and Bolivia.

Intro -- Contents -- 1 Introduction -- Contextualizing the Left Turn in Latin America -- The Evolution of Latin American Left in the Twentieth Century -- The Rise of the Pink Tide -- The Crisis of the Pink Tide -- Plan of the Book -- References -- 2 Lenin in Caracas -- Lenin's World: Plebian Power and the Quest for Socialism -- Neoliberalism Against Democracy: Venezuela's Lost Decades -- The Chávez Years -- Venezuela After Chávez: The Unfolding Crisis -- Revisiting the Organizational Question -- References -- 3 The PT Experiment in Brazil: Reform and Revolution Reconsidered -- The State and Revolution Revisited -- The Origins and Rise of PT in Brazil -- PT in Power -- The Demise of the PT Experiment -- References -- 4 Rearming the Left -- Lenin's Analysis of Imperialism -- Imperialism After Lenin -- "New" Imperialism? -- Beyond Developmentalism -- Beyond Utopian Impulses -- References -- Index.

Over the last two decades, military and authoritarian regimes in Latin America have receded as indigenous social movements and popular protests have demanded and won peaceful transitions to democratically-elected governments. Across the entire Southern hemisphere, democracy arose with a radical flourish, bringing dramatic changes in politics, education, civil society, and the media. Historically, revolution in Latin America has been depicted as civil war, violent conflict, and armed resistance, but recent social change has resulted from the political power of mass social movements reflected in elections and government policy change rather than guerrilla insurgencies. The Pink Tide investigates the relationship between media access and democracy, arguing that citizen participation in broadcasting is a primary indicator of the changed social relations of power in each country. Democracy has meaning only to the extent that citizens participate in discussion and decisions. This book demonstrates that participation in public communication is a prime ingredient in democratic action and citizen self-organization, a vital means for constructing new cultural practices and social norms.

In this article we critically engage with the term and concept of "post-neoliberalism", delineate different meanings in the literature and arrive at the conclusion that the term leaves more questions open than it answers. We therefore draw on literature that investigates the departure from (or persistence) of neoliberalism on a careful study of social power relations, i.e. Barry Cannon`s work on the rise of the right in Latin America. In taking his arguments further we present and examine transnational neoliberal think tank networks that are active in Latin America. We show the extent to which these networks have been developed across borders, investigate the key linkers within these networks are and situate the main currents within the contemporary constellation of right wing political ideologies. The article strengthens a relational perspective in the study of neoliberalism and its counter-forces and indicates research desiderata in the field of transnational ideological power structures.

In the literature on the turn to the left in the wider Latin American region, Central America has generally been neglected. The aimof this article is to seek to fill that gap, while specifically assessing the left turn's impact on prospects for democratization in the sub-region. Using three case studies – El Salvador, Honduras and Nicaragua – the article questions the usefulness of transition theory for analysis and instead offers a framework based on state/civil society interaction within the context of globalization. Four key conclusions are made: First, democratization is not a linear process, but can be subject to simultaneous processes of democratization and de-democratization. Second, continued deep structural inequalities remain central to the region's politics but these often provoke unproductive personalistic and partisan politics which can inhibit or curtail democratization. Third, interference from local and/or international economic actors can curtail or reverse democratization measures, underlining the influence of globalization. Fourth, Central America is particularly revelatory of these tendencies due to its acute exposure to extreme oligarchic power and outside influence. It hence can help shed light on wider questions on the blurring of boundaries between state, civil society and market and its impact on democratization, especially within the context of globalization. In this way the article contributes to the analysis of Central America in the current context of the 'pink tide', underlines the importance of continued analysis of Central America for democratization studies, and brings new insight to debates on transition theory.

This volume examines the ways in which the socio-economic elites of the region have transformed and expanded the material bases of their power from the inception of neo-liberal policies in the 1970s through to the so-called progressive 'pink tide' governments of the past two decades. The six case study chapters-on Chile, Brazil, Ecuador, Colombia, El Salvador, and Guatemala-variously explore how state policies and even United Nations peace-keeping missions have enhanced elite control of land and agricultural exports, banks and insurance companies, wholesale and import commerce, industrial activities, and alliances with foreign capital. Chapters also pay attention to the ways in which violence has been deployed to maintain elite power, and how international forces feed into sustaining historic and contemporary configurations of power.