After the Pink Tide: Introduction
In: Dissent: a quarterly of politics and culture, Band 66, Heft 1, S. 18-22
ISSN: 1946-0910
In: Dissent: a quarterly of politics and culture, Band 66, Heft 1, S. 18-22
ISSN: 1946-0910
In: Latin American perspectives, Band 49, Heft 2, S. 69-86
ISSN: 1552-678X
The recent evolution of capitalism has shifted the ground on which developmentalism stood as a civilizing utopia in Latin America, making the neodevelopmentalism that inspired different nuances of progressivism in the twenty-first century an idea "out of place." Starting from this premise, the notions of progressivism as regression and containment as accelerating desocialization form the foundations of an interpretation of the Pink Tide that emphasizes the contradictions inherent in its own dynamics, which reinforced the neoliberal rationale. The attempt to govern social tensions through containment of the ongoing dissociative movement did not stop the regression of the structure of production and the intensification of a self-destructive social dynamic. Progressivism is revealed as a political rationale that is different from but not contradictory to its opponents in a reality in which capital governs as a totalizing extraparliamentary force. A evolução recente do capitalismo modificou as bases materiais que davam sentido ao desenvolvimentismo como utopia civilizatória na América Latina, tornando o neodesenvolvimentismo que inspirou diferentes nuances de progressismo no século XXI, uma ideia fora do lugar. A partir desta premissa, são discutidas as noções de progressismo como regressão e de contenção como aceleracion de dissocializacion, como alicerces de uma interpretação da onda progressista que enfatiza as contradições inerentes à sua própria dinâmica que reforçou a razão neoliberal. A pretensão de governar as tensões sociais por meio de políticas de contenção do movimento dissocializante em curso não evitou a regressão da estrutura produtiva e o aprofundamento de uma dinâmica social autofágica. O progressismo revela-se como uma racionalidade política diferente, mas não contraditória em relação aos seus opositores em uma realidade em que o capital se impõe como uma força extra-parlamentar totalizante.
In: Latin american perspectives in the classroom
Introduction. Latin America's pink tide governments: Challenges, breakthroughs, and setbacks$hSteve Ellner -- Latin America's pink tide: The straitjacket of global Capitalism$hWilliam I Robinson -- Has the pink tide cycle come to an end? Will it have a long-lasting impact?$hSteve Ellner -- Walking the "tightrope" of socialist governance: A strategic relational analysis of twenty-first-century socialism$hMarcel Nelson -- The limits of pragmatism: The rise and fall of the Brazilian Workers' Party (2002-2016)$hPedro Mendes Loureiro and Alfredo Saad-Filho -- The Frente Amplio governments in Uruguay: Policy strategies and results$hNicolas Bentancur and Jose Miguel Busquets -- Kirchnerism in Latin America's Anti-neoliberal Cycle$hMabel Thwaites Rey and Jorge Orovitz Sanmartino -- Class Strategies in Chavista Venezuela: pragmatic and populist policies in a broader context$hSteve Ellner -- An opportunity squandered? Elites, social movements, and the Bolivian government of Evo Morales$hLinda Farthing -- Left populism, democracy, state building and the ephemeral counterhegemony of the Citizens" Revolution in Ecuador$hPatrick Clark and Jacobo Garcia -- Neo-extractivism, class formations, and the pink tide: Considerations on the Venezuelan case$hLuis Fernando Angosto-Ferrandez -- The rise and fall of Sandinista alliances as a means of sociopolitical change in Nicaragua$hHector M. Cruz-Feliciano -- The limits of change: El Salvador's FMLN in power$hHilary Goodfriend -- The last surfer to hit the beach: Mexico and the "pink tide"$hJohn M. Ackerman.
World Affairs Online
In: Human affairs: HA ; postdisciplinary humanities & social sciences quarterly, Band 33, Heft 3, S. 288-303
ISSN: 1337-401X
Abstract
Political and social developments in Venezuela have significantly influenced the events of the entire Latin American continent in the first two decades of the 21st century. Our research, time-framed between 1999 and 2013, focuses on the political, legal, social and economic aspects of the Venezuelan society development at the end of the last century and the first two decades of our century. The article also examines how social movements set in motion by chavismo led, in 1999, to the adoption of a new constitution based on the principles of the separation of the five powers and how it contributed to the formation of the political movements across the Latin American continent known as the pink tide (marea rosa).
This article examines the rise of leftist ideology in Ecuador and Bolivia in light of their deepening economic relations with China from 2005 to 2014. First, it reveals that market trends account for trade fluctuations but fail to explain Chinese investment in, and some loan deals with, Ecuador as well as loans to Bolivia. Second, it demonstrates how these forms of funding provided alternatives to U.S.-led international institutions, enabling Rafael Correa and Evo Morales to steer away from Western influence. Third, it contends that four factors led to a cyclic reinforcement of Chinese economic interests and the rise of leftist ideology in Ecuador and Bolivia, namely: mutual complementarity between China's demand for energy/natural resource supply diversification and Pink Tide development agendas; U.S.–China geopolitical competition for influence in Latin America; China's experience in engaging with leftist governments from developing countries; and anti-Americanism shaping national identity in Ecuador and Bolivia.
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In: World affairs: a journal of ideas and debate, Band 183, Heft 4, S. 359-388
ISSN: 1940-1582
This article examines the rise of leftist ideology in Ecuador and Bolivia in light of their deepening economic relations with China from 2005 to 2014. First, it reveals that market trends account for trade fluctuations but fail to explain Chinese investment in, and some loan deals with, Ecuador as well as loans to Bolivia. Second, it demonstrates how these forms of funding provided alternatives to U.S.-led international institutions, enabling Rafael Correa and Evo Morales to steer away from Western influence. Third, it contends that four factors led to a cyclic reinforcement of Chinese economic interests and the rise of leftist ideology in Ecuador and Bolivia, namely: mutual complementarity between China's demand for energy/natural resource supply diversification and Pink Tide development agendas; U.S.–China geopolitical competition for influence in Latin America; China's experience in engaging with leftist governments from developing countries; and anti-Americanism shaping national identity in Ecuador and Bolivia.
In: Springer eBook Collection
In: Latin American politics and society, Band 65, Heft 2, S. 110-144
ISSN: 1548-2456
World Affairs Online
"Following the election of Hugo Chávez in Venezuela, governments in many Latin American countries were radicalised as they became populated with former activists and trade union leaders. Yet in the last few years, Latin America's left have suffered many setbacks and reactionary challenges, which has led many to wonder if the 'pink tide' is on the wane. Mike Gonzalez argues that whilst left-wing developments have been widely celebrated, less has been written to address the problems that have arisen. Through examination of the successes and failings of Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Ecuador and Venezuela, Gonzalez is able to identify weaknesses and strengths and suggest possible future pathways for the left in nations across Latin America. This refreshing analysis examines whether Chávez's vision of twenty-first century socialism may ever be realised"--Print version, page 4 of cover
In: Kay , C & Vergara-Camus , L 2021 , Neue Agrar-Demokratien : Die verlorene Chance der Pink Tide . in A Jenss , R Lehmann & T Boos (eds) , Sozialstrukturen in Lateinamerika: Dynamiken und Akteure im 21. Jahrhundert . Springer Nature , Wiesbaden , pp. 63-86 . https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-34428-3_3
Der Beitrag analysiert die Versuche der Regierungen in Argentinien, Bolivien, Ecuador, Nicaragua, Paraguay, Uruguay, Venezuela und Brasilien in den 2000er Jahren den ländlichen Raum zugunsten benachteiligter Sektoren und demokratisch umzugestalten. Die Bilanz fällt ernüchternd aus. Zwar gab es Verbesserungen bei den Lebens- und Arbeitsbedingungen auf dem Land, doch häufig unterstützten die Regierungen die großflächige Exportlandwirtschaft weiter. Die ländlichen sozialen Bewegungen und ihre basisdemokratischen Versuche wurden von den Mitte-Links-Regierungen politisch nicht gestärkt.
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In: Monthly review: an independent socialist magazine, S. 38-51
Steve Ellner analyzes the debate surrounding the wave of elections of left-leaning political leaders in Latin America, known as the Pink Tide. Critics of these governments, Ellner suggests, emphasize their shortcomings at the expense of recognizing their anti-imperial position.
In: Human affairs: HA ; postdisciplinary humanities & social sciences quarterly, Band 33, Heft 3, S. 319-334
ISSN: 1337-401X
Abstract
The article analyses the two pink tides in Latin America in relation to contemporary global prospects. First, it recalls the main characteristics of the first tide, mainly linked to Venezuela, Brazil and Bolivia. Second, it explains the limits of the first tide. Third, it focuses on the main characteristics of the second tide, which are analysed in detail later in the article. Fourth, it analyses the reasons behind the recent changes in Colombia. Fifth, it describes the economic transformation system in Cuba. Sixth, it addresses how Brazil is joining the new tide, seventh, particularly concerning Bolsonaro's legacy and Lula's return. Eighth, it shows the revitalization of Lula's social policy, and ninth, the Latin American and global impacts of the recent elections in Latin America. In conclusion, tenth, it formulates future scenarios for the possible development of the second tide in Latin America.
The purpose of this paper is to advance an argument that might explain the dynamics of recent political developments in Latin America. The argument is constructed as follows. First, I review the dynamics of what Raúl Zibechi (2012) has described as the new geoeconomics of capital in Latin America and the corresponding politics. The paper then elaborates on certain dynamics associated with the political economy of two types of capitalism, with reference here to the particular way in which these forms of capital are combined in the current context of capitalist development in the region. The third part of the paper provides a brief review of the economic and political dynamics that led to the pink tide of regime change in South America. Subsequently, we provide a brief review and analysis of the policy dynamics of the governments formed in the wake of this seatide of regime change and the associated progressive cycle in Latin American politics. The paper then turns towards the recent pendulum swing of electoral politics towards the hard right of neoliberal policy reform. The paper ends with a brief discussion of the forces that might be involved in what appears to be the end of the progressive cycle. The conclusion is that the answer can be found in various contradictions of extractive capitalism.
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In: Latin American political economy
This volume examines the ways in which the socio-economic elites of the region have transformed and expanded the material bases of their power from the inception of neo-liberal policies in the 1970s through to the so-called progressive 'pink tide' governments of the past two decades. The six case study chapters-on Chile, Brazil, Ecuador, Colombia, El Salvador, and Guatemala-variously explore how state policies and even United Nations peace-keeping missions have enhanced elite control of land and agricultural exports, banks and insurance companies, wholesale and import commerce, industrial activities, and alliances with foreign capital. Chapters also pay attention to the ways in which violence has been deployed to maintain elite power, and how international forces feed into sustaining historic and contemporary configurations of power.
In the literature on the turn to the left in the wider Latin American region, Central America has generally been neglected. The aimof this article is to seek to fill that gap, while specifically assessing the left turn's impact on prospects for democratization in the sub-region. Using three case studies – El Salvador, Honduras and Nicaragua – the article questions the usefulness of transition theory for analysis and instead offers a framework based on state/civil society interaction within the context of globalization. Four key conclusions are made: First, democratization is not a linear process, but can be subject to simultaneous processes of democratization and de-democratization. Second, continued deep structural inequalities remain central to the region's politics but these often provoke unproductive personalistic and partisan politics which can inhibit or curtail democratization. Third, interference from local and/or international economic actors can curtail or reverse democratization measures, underlining the influence of globalization. Fourth, Central America is particularly revelatory of these tendencies due to its acute exposure to extreme oligarchic power and outside influence. It hence can help shed light on wider questions on the blurring of boundaries between state, civil society and market and its impact on democratization, especially within the context of globalization. In this way the article contributes to the analysis of Central America in the current context of the 'pink tide', underlines the importance of continued analysis of Central America for democratization studies, and brings new insight to debates on transition theory.
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