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ABSTRACTLatin America witnessed the election of 'new Left' governments in the early 21st century that, in different ways, sought to open a debate about alternatives to paradigms of neoliberal development. What has this meant for the way that human rights are understood and for patterns of human rights compliance? Using qualitative and quantitative evidence, this article discusses how human rights are imagined and the compliance records of new Left governments through the lens of the three 'generations' of human rights — political and civil, social and economic, and cultural and environmental rights. The authors draw in particular on evidence from Andean countries and the Southern Cone. While basic civil and individual liberties are still far from guaranteed, especially in the Andean region, new Left countries show better overall performances in relation to socio‐economic rights compared to the past and to other Latin American countries. All new Left governments also demonstrate an increasing interest in 'third generation' (cultural and environmental) rights, though this is especially marked in the Andean Left. The authors discuss the tensions around interpretations and categories of human rights, reflect on the stagnation of first generation rights and note the difficulties associated with translating second and third generation rights into policy.

The left-wing Pink Tide movement that swept across Latin America seems now to be overturned, as a new wave of free-market thinkers emerge across the continent. This book analyses the emergence of corporate power within Latin America and the response of egalitarian movements across the continent trying to break open the constraints of the state. Through an ethnographically grounded and localized anthropological perspective, this book argues that at a time when the regular structures of political participation have been ruptured, the Latin American context reveals multiple expressions of egalitarian movements that strive (and sometimes momentarily manage) to break through the state's apparatus

Abstract
During the last decades in Brazil, two societal projects strived for hegemony: a democratic and participatory project disputed against an alliance of the emerging bourgeoisie with traditional political forces. The PT-led government, driven by Lula da Silva (2003–2010) and Dilma Rousseff (2011–2016), representative of the democratic and participatory line, implemented many innovative policies concerning notably social citizenship rights and industrialization. Perhaps, like many other Latin American countries during the first pink tide, it was unsuccessful in transforming the old economic, political, and social frameworks to provide a suitable environment for new politics. The text examines this period, emphasizing improvements in political participation, inclusive social policies, and the relationship between the government and social movements, as well as some flaws that hastened its demise.

Chodor examines the struggles against neoliberal hegemony in Latin America, under the 'Pink Tide' of leftist governments. Utilizing a critical International Political Economy framework derived from the work of Antonio Gramsci, he looks at its two most prominent members -- Venezuela under Hugo Chavez and Brazil under Lula and Dilma Rousseff. The author argues that Venezuela's Bolivarian Revolution represents a counter-hegemonic project that seeks to construct a radical alternative to neoliberalism, while the Brazilian project is better understood as a passive revolution aiming to re-secure consent for neoliberal hegemony by making material and ideological concession to the Brazilian masses. Despite their differences, the two projects cooperate at the regional level, driving the process of regional integration that aims to make Latin America more politically, economically and ideologically autonomous in the neoliberal world order. The book suggests this process opens up opportunities for a fairer, more prosperous and more democratic Latin America in the 21st century, challenging American hegemony and its neoliberal project in doing so.

Introduction.The Pink Tide, egalitarianism and the corporate State in Latin Americas / Marina Gold and Alessandro Zagato -- State corporatization and warfare in Mexico / Alessandro Zagato -- Political parties, big business, social movements and the 'voice of the people': views from above and below on the crisis created by the 2016 Coup in Brazi / John Gledhill and Maria Gabriela Hita -- The election of MAS, its egalitarian potential, and its contradictions. Lessons from Bolivia / Leonidas Oikonomakis -- What is in the 'people's interest'? Discourses of egalitarianism and 'development as compensation' in contemporary Ecuador / Erin Fitz-Henry and Denisse Rodriquez Quinonez -- The neoliberal state and post-transition democracy in Chile. Local public action and indigenous political demands / Francisca de la Maza Cabrera -- More state? On authority and the conditions for egalitarianism in Venezuela / Luis Angosto-Ferrández -- Egalitarian and hierarchical tensions in Cuban self-employed ventures / Marina Gold -- Social banditry and the legal in the corporate state of Peru / Cecilie Vindal Ødegaard -- Conclusion .Egalitarianism and dynamics of oppression: constitutive processes / Alessandro Zagato and Marina Gold -- Afterword / Bruce Kapferer.

For the first time, Mexico has a presidential administration that defines itself as "post-neoliberal," but, although the government of Andrés Manuel López Obrador is the most powerful the young Mexican democracy has ever seen, it is far from dismantling neoliberalism. It is a failed progressivism, and therefore it makes no sense to conceptualize it as "leftist." Por primera vez, México tiene una administración presidencial que se define a sí misma como "posneoliberal" pero, aunque el gobierno de Andrés Manuel López Obrador es el más poderoso que la joven democracia mexicana haya visto, está lejos de desmantelar el neoliberalismo. Se trata de un progresismo fallido, y por lo tanto no tiene sentido conceptualizarlo como "izquierdista".

"Following the election of Hugo Chávez in Venezuela, governments in many Latin American countries were radicalised as they became populated with former activists and trade union leaders. Yet in the last few years, Latin America's left have suffered many setbacks and reactionary challenges, which has led many to wonder if the 'pink tide' is on the wane. Mike Gonzalez argues that whilst left-wing developments have been widely celebrated, less has been written to address the problems that have arisen. Through examination of the successes and failings of Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Ecuador and Venezuela, Gonzalez is able to identify weaknesses and strengths and suggest possible future pathways for the left in nations across Latin America. This refreshing analysis examines whether Chávez's vision of twenty-first century socialism may ever be realised"--Print version, page 4 of cover

Autonomy should not be understood as an inherent quality of rural subjects but as fundamentally a political and cultural project. This paper will present an overview of the evolution of the idea, project, and practice of peasant and indigenous autonomy in Latin America from the 1990s to today. It will trace the origins of the process and examine how the different dimensions of the concept of autonomy (economic, political, ideological, and ethnic) came together in the early 1990s to form a coherent although contradictory political project, which attempted to present an alternative to neoliberalism and political paternalism. The paper will assess the extent to which this project addressed the main challenges that the different sectors of the peasantry faced with the neoliberal restructuring of the economy and the deployment of neoliberal multiculturalism in the region. Through the case studies of Brazil, Ecuador, Nicaragua, and Mexico, the paper will argue that the autonomy projects entailed serious contradictions since their inception because by wanting to solve some problems through certain mechanisms, rural movements exacerbated other problems. The paper also highlights the difficulty that peasant and indigenous movements had through the years in maintaining a strong alliances with each other.

The purpose of this paper is to advance an argument that might explain the dynamics of recent political developments in Latin America. The argument is constructed as follows. First, I review the dynamics of what Raúl Zibechi (2012) has described as the new geoeconomics of capital in Latin America and the corresponding politics. The paper then elaborates on certain dynamics associated with the political economy of two types of capitalism, with reference here to the particular way in which these forms of capital are combined in the current context of capitalist development in the region. The third part of the paper provides a brief review of the economic and political dynamics that led to the pink tide of regime change in South America. Subsequently, we provide a brief review and analysis of the policy dynamics of the governments formed in the wake of this seatide of regime change and the associated progressive cycle in Latin American politics. The paper then turns towards the recent pendulum swing of electoral politics towards the hard right of neoliberal policy reform. The paper ends with a brief discussion of the forces that might be involved in what appears to be the end of the progressive cycle. The conclusion is that the answer can be found in various contradictions of extractive capitalism. ; El propósito de este artículo es presentar un argumento que pueda explicar la dinámica de los recientes desarrollos políticos en América Latina. El argumento se construye de la siguiente manera. Primero, reviso la dinámica de lo que Raúl Zibechi (2012) ha descrito como la nueva geoeconomía del capital en América Latina y la política correspondiente. Luego, el documento desarrolla ciertas dinámicas asociadas con la economía política de dos tipos de capitalismo, con referencia aquí a la forma particular en que estas formas de capital se combinan en el contexto actual del desarrollo capitalista en la región. La tercera parte del documento proporciona una breve revisión de la dinámica económica y política que condujo a la marea rosa del cambio de régimen en América del Sur. Posteriormente, proporcionamos una breve revisión y análisis de la dinámica de las políticas de los gobiernos formados a raíz de este asiento del cambio de régimen y el ciclo progresivo asociado en la política latinoamericana. Luego, el documento gira hacia el reciente movimiento pendular de la política electoral hacia la extrema derecha de la reforma de la política neoliberal. El artículo termina con una breve discusión de las fuerzas que podrían estar involucradas en lo que parece ser el final del ciclo progresivo. La conclusión es que la respuesta se puede encontrar en varias contradicciones del capitalismo extractivo. ; O objetivo deste artigo é apresentar um argumento que possa explicar a dinâmica dos recentes desenvolvimentos políticos na América Latina. O argumento é construído da seguinte maneira. Primeiro, reviso a dinâmica do que Raúl Zibechi (2012) descreveu como a nova geoeconomia do capital na América Latina e a política correspondente. O artigo elabora, então, certas dinâmicas associadas à economia política de dois tipos de capitalismo, com referência aqui à maneira particular pela qual essas formas de capital são combinadas no contexto atual do desenvolvimento capitalista na região. A terceira parte do artigo fornece uma breve revisão da dinâmica econômica e política que levou à maré rosa da mudança de regime na América do Sul. Posteriormente, fornecemos uma breve revisão e análise da dinâmica das políticas dos governos formadas na esteira dessa mudança de regime e do ciclo progressivo associado na política latino-americana. O artigo então se volta para o recente balanço pendular da política eleitoral em direção à extrema direita da reforma política neoliberal. O artigo termina com uma breve discussão das forças que podem estar envolvidas no que parece ser o fim do ciclo progressivo. A conclusão é que a resposta pode ser encontrada em várias contradições do capitalismo extrativo.