Suchergebnisse

Abstract: Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Lithuania has been struggling with rapidly increasing centre–periphery polarization. There has been a growth in major cities and a significant decline in peripheral rural territories. The ongoing peripheralization is deepening the gap between centre and periphery. This paper introduces a peripheral region determination model, whilst highlighting that this complex geographical issue combines location, demographic, social, economic, cultural, political and natural factors. By analyzing the case of Lithuania using 1992–2012 data at the LAU-1 region level, the study reveals a polarized picture of the country and highlights the factors influencing peripherality in different regions.

Abstract: Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Lithuania has been struggling with rapidly increasing centre–periphery polarization. There has been a growth in major cities and a significant decline in peripheral rural territories. The ongoing peripheralization is deepening the gap between centre and periphery. This paper introduces a peripheral region determination model, whilst highlighting that this complex geographical issue combines location, demographic, social, economic, cultural, political and natural factors. By analyzing the case of Lithuania using 1992–2012 data at the LAU-1 region level, the study reveals a polarized picture of the country and highlights the factors influencing peripherality in different regions.

Abstract: Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Lithuania has been struggling with rapidly increasing centre–periphery polarization. There has been a growth in major cities and a significant decline in peripheral rural territories. The ongoing peripheralization is deepening the gap between centre and periphery. This paper introduces a peripheral region determination model, whilst highlighting that this complex geographical issue combines location, demographic, social, economic, cultural, political and natural factors. By analyzing the case of Lithuania using 1992–2012 data at the LAU-1 region level, the study reveals a polarized picture of the country and highlights the factors influencing peripherality in different regions.

Abstract: Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Lithuania has been struggling with rapidly increasing centre–periphery polarization. There has been a growth in major cities and a significant decline in peripheral rural territories. The ongoing peripheralization is deepening the gap between centre and periphery. This paper introduces a peripheral region determination model, whilst highlighting that this complex geographical issue combines location, demographic, social, economic, cultural, political and natural factors. By analyzing the case of Lithuania using 1992–2012 data at the LAU-1 region level, the study reveals a polarized picture of the country and highlights the factors influencing peripherality in different regions.

The article investigates the assumption that there is a correlation between the individual's psychological setting and political attitudes and the individual's attitude toward scientific information and the scientific community. In other words, the issue is whether the approvability of scientific data by the individual is essentially a subjective and ideological relationship between distinct scientific problems and relevant evaluative directives. I propose the following research guidelines: a) that the division of the political worldview into the conservative and the liberal reveals a propensity to explain away the political discourse as a set of opposites, and could be fine-tuned by means of neurophilosophical scepsis; b) wonders if there is a representation of science that could contribute to effective science policy-making c) also investigates if the intolerance to various political and scientific views in Western universities is solved by the considered correlation.

The article investigates the assumption that there is a correlation between the individual's psychological setting and political attitudes and the individual's attitude toward scientific information and the scientific community. In other words, the issue is whether the approvability of scientific data by the individual is essentially a subjective and ideological relationship between distinct scientific problems and relevant evaluative directives. I propose the following research guidelines: a) that the division of the political worldview into the conservative and the liberal reveals a propensity to explain away the political discourse as a set of opposites, and could be fine-tuned by means of neurophilosophical scepsis; b) wonders if there is a representation of science that could contribute to effective science policy-making c) also investigates if the intolerance to various political and scientific views in Western universities is solved by the considered correlation.

The major purpose of this dissertation was to measure quality of preselected public discussions (in form of comments) generated on popular online social network Facebook. We used Discourse Quality Index as the main instrument to collect and analyze our empirical data. In particular, we measured how the quality of our discussions corresponded to the preconditions of Habermasian ideal discourse perception. In our analysis, we highlighted the role of Web 2.0 based online communications environments to support, promote or, possibly, neglect traditions and principles of deliberative democracy. Our results revealed that quality of the discussions we analyzed is not good enough; consequently, they cannot be considered by policymakers and have positive impact on decisions made. The main reasons of that are: a) audience polarization; b) dissensual political discourse; c) low participants' scientific and political literacy; d) not serious or light role that participants undertake in the discourse.

The major purpose of this dissertation was to measure quality of preselected public discussions (in form of comments) generated on popular online social network Facebook. We used Discourse Quality Index as the main instrument to collect and analyze our empirical data. In particular, we measured how the quality of our discussions corresponded to the preconditions of Habermasian ideal discourse perception. In our analysis, we highlighted the role of Web 2.0 based online communications environments to support, promote or, possibly, neglect traditions and principles of deliberative democracy. Our results revealed that quality of the discussions we analyzed is not good enough; consequently, they cannot be considered by policymakers and have positive impact on decisions made. The main reasons of that are: a) audience polarization; b) dissensual political discourse; c) low participants' scientific and political literacy; d) not serious or light role that participants undertake in the discourse.

The article's attention is focused on one of the most serious social and political organizational problems – the so-called disability of civilization – and on the features of the spreading of this phenomenon in Lithuania, and the Lithuanian nation. The author's own interpretation of the disability of civilization is seen as the nation and the nation based state's areas of behavior, which are filled with excessive polarization, deviance, shady economy, crime and actions lacking wisdom and/or continuity (and, therefore, strategically unplanned). Social disability promotes the scattering of anomies, social arrhythmias and social fatigue, consequently giving birth to and supporting the so-called "false consciousness", etc. The author believes that a disability of civilization is not a distinctive feature of any nation. However, in each country it has its own idiosyncrasies, determined by its historical legacy, its relationship with today's world and with globalization overshadowing it. The author also draws attention to Lithuania's approach towards a meaningful relationship with the EU.

The article's attention is focused on one of the most serious social and political organizational problems – the so-called disability of civilization – and on the features of the spreading of this phenomenon in Lithuania, and the Lithuanian nation. The author's own interpretation of the disability of civilization is seen as the nation and the nation based state's areas of behavior, which are filled with excessive polarization, deviance, shady economy, crime and actions lacking wisdom and/or continuity (and, therefore, strategically unplanned). Social disability promotes the scattering of anomies, social arrhythmias and social fatigue, consequently giving birth to and supporting the so-called "false consciousness", etc. The author believes that a disability of civilization is not a distinctive feature of any nation. However, in each country it has its own idiosyncrasies, determined by its historical legacy, its relationship with today's world and with globalization overshadowing it. The author also draws attention to Lithuania's approach towards a meaningful relationship with the EU.

This article examines the impact of political cleavages existing in the host state on the receptivity of the political system toward minority claims, its proneness to accommodation and inclusivity toward minority political participation. Applying the theoretical framework of Political Opportunity Structure, the nation-wide political spectrum is regarded an as important element of the structure of political opportunities available to minority communities. By bringing together the cases of Russians in Estonia and Hungarians in Serbia, the article hypothesizes that in post-socialist nation-states, a higher degree of polarization of the political spectrum is more likely to expand the political opportunity structure for ethnic minorities in terms of inclusivity toward minority claims, compared to a political environment characterized by a consensus on the main directions of the country's development. The structure of established political conflicts in Estonia and Serbia are analyzed from the point of view of ethnic minority politics, assessing the effect of nation-wide cleavages on the patterns of cooperation with ethnic minority political forces and concrete impact on minority-related policies.

This article examines the impact of political cleavages existing in the host state on the receptivity of the political system toward minority claims, its proneness to accommodation and inclusivity toward minority political participation. Applying the theoretical framework of Political Opportunity Structure, the nation-wide political spectrum is regarded an as important element of the structure of political opportunities available to minority communities. By bringing together the cases of Russians in Estonia and Hungarians in Serbia, the article hypothesizes that in post-socialist nation-states, a higher degree of polarization of the political spectrum is more likely to expand the political opportunity structure for ethnic minorities in terms of inclusivity toward minority claims, compared to a political environment characterized by a consensus on the main directions of the country's development. The structure of established political conflicts in Estonia and Serbia are analyzed from the point of view of ethnic minority politics, assessing the effect of nation-wide cleavages on the patterns of cooperation with ethnic minority political forces and concrete impact on minority-related policies.

This article examines the impact of political cleavages existing in the host state on the receptivity of the political system toward minority claims, its proneness to accommodation and inclusivity toward minority political participation. Applying the theoretical framework of Political Opportunity Structure, the nation-wide political spectrum is regarded an as important element of the structure of political opportunities available to minority communities. By bringing together the cases of Russians in Estonia and Hungarians in Serbia, the article hypothesizes that in post-socialist nation-states, a higher degree of polarization of the political spectrum is more likely to expand the political opportunity structure for ethnic minorities in terms of inclusivity toward minority claims, compared to a political environment characterized by a consensus on the main directions of the country's development. The structure of established political conflicts in Estonia and Serbia are analyzed from the point of view of ethnic minority politics, assessing the effect of nation-wide cleavages on the patterns of cooperation with ethnic minority political forces and concrete impact on minority-related policies.

This article is focused on the analysis of interim (the Iraqi Governing Council, the Iraqi Interim Government and the Interim National Assembly) and transitional Iraqi institutions (the Transitional National Assembly) as well as other previously established institutions (the Office of Reconstruction and Humanitarian Assistance, the Interim Coalition Government). Much attention is given to the level of democracy within these institutions. They are examined applying the model of autonomous democracy that consists of a coherent chain of the main principles of democracy and its criteria. At the same time some additional attention is devoted to the elections to the Transitional National Assembly and these to the permanent National Assembly as well as the referendum concerning the Iraqi Constitution. Consequently, visible signs of the ethno-confessional polarization have become especially significant. Various reasons for this phenomenon which, in turn, has resulted in the political upheaval and the security crisis in Iraq will be discussed in the context of the process of democratization.

This article is focused on the analysis of interim (the Iraqi Governing Council, the Iraqi Interim Government and the Interim National Assembly) and transitional Iraqi institutions (the Transitional National Assembly) as well as other previously established institutions (the Office of Reconstruction and Humanitarian Assistance, the Interim Coalition Government). Much attention is given to the level of democracy within these institutions. They are examined applying the model of autonomous democracy that consists of a coherent chain of the main principles of democracy and its criteria. At the same time some additional attention is devoted to the elections to the Transitional National Assembly and these to the permanent National Assembly as well as the referendum concerning the Iraqi Constitution. Consequently, visible signs of the ethno-confessional polarization have become especially significant. Various reasons for this phenomenon which, in turn, has resulted in the political upheaval and the security crisis in Iraq will be discussed in the context of the process of democratization.