ELECTRON SPIN POLARIZATION OF RUBIDIUM SOLUTION IN DIMETHOXYETHANE
In: Proceedings of the Academy of Sciences of the Estonian SSR. Physics. Mathematics, Band 31, Heft 3, S. 356
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In: Proceedings of the Academy of Sciences of the Estonian SSR. Physics. Mathematics, Band 31, Heft 3, S. 356
В статье рассматриваются возможности развития поляризации значения слова "аукцион" под воздействием экстралингвистических факторов и оценить лингво-правовые последствия трансформации однозначного юридического термина в категорию энантиосеманта.
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In: Svobodnaja mysl' - XXI: teoretičeskij i političeskij žurnal, Band 57, Heft 8, S. 179-190
ISSN: 0869-4435
In: Vestnik RFFI, Heft 4, S. 41-48
ISSN: 2410-4639
The article deals with the concept of psychological condition of society, which is quite new for psychology. This concept is developed in the framework of so-called macropsychological approach. Various indices are often used to assess the condition of society, for example, so-called Happy Planet Index. This index, like the others, is determined on the basis of analysis of official statistical information and mass surveys. However, while using it objective and subjective indicators often do not coincide. The article proves the evaluability of the psychological condition of society based on the concept of psychological polarization, developed by French social psychologist S. Moscovici. The model and the technique, allowing to estimate a psychological condition of society in units of psychological polarization, are offered. The article presents the results of a pilot empirical study (n = 199), according to which the conclusion on the possibility to use the model for the society psychological condition assessment has been made.
DOI 10.15826/tetm.2020.1-2.008This article aims to discuss the reasons and consequences of the recent historical monuments' destruction in the United States. The author uses the concept of Foundation myths as well as opinion polls' results and cases from modern history to provide argumentation for the idea of ongoing polarization in American society. The results show that, although the political elites are relatively united on the issue of historical memory, there is a certain division among ordinary citizens. The causes for the recent attacks on the monuments and the historical figures they represent lies in the crisis, caused by the COVID-pandemic, economic downturn and protests over racism. However, the fundamental reason lies in the chronic socio-economic, cultural, and political difficulties, particularly income inequality, political polarization of elites and mass publics of American society. In the conclusion of the article, the author discusses how the discourse over historical figures and foundation myths shaped 2020 Presidential elections in the US and how specific agenda related to Founding Fathers was used by the US President Donald Trump during his campaign.For citation: Sherlock, T. (2020). Evaluating the Legitimacy of the American Foundation Myth. Tempus et Memoria, 1, 1–2, 76–81.Submitted: 30.10.2020Accepted: 02.12.2020 ; This article aims to discuss the reasons and consequences of the recent historical monuments' destruction in the United States. The author uses the concept of Foundation myths as well as opinion polls' results and cases from modern history to provide argumentation for the idea of ongoing polarization in American society. The results show that, although the political elites are relatively united on the issue of historical memory, there is a certain division among ordinary citizens. The causes for the recent attacks on the monuments and the historical figures they represent lies in the crisis, caused by the COVID-pandemic, economic downturn and protests over racism. However, the fundamental reason lies in the chronic socio-economic, cultural, and political difficulties, particularly income inequality, political polarization of elites and mass publics of American society. In the conclusion of the article, the author discusses how the discourse over historical figures and foundation myths shaped 2020 Presidential elections in the US and how specific agenda related to Founding Fathers was used by the US President Donald Trump during his campaign.For citation: Sherlock, T. (2020). Evaluating the Legitimacy of the American Foundation Myth. Tempus et Memoria, 1, 1–2, 76–81.Submitted: 30.10.2020Accepted: 02.12.2020
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In the article social and political differentiation of the population of the Volga region, shown in the election campaigns of 1917 is presented; social and economic requirements of workers, soldiers, peasants are revealed; ways of influence of society on power in revolution are analysed. ; В статье представлена социально-политическая дифференциация населения Поволжья, проявившаяся в избирательных кампаниях 1917 года; выявлены социально-экономические требования рабочих, солдат, крестьян; проанализированы способы воздействия социума на власть в революции.
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In May of 2019, regular elections for the European Parliament will be held in the European Union. The results of these elections will be seriously affected by the financial, economic and migration crises, the Brexit, the polarization between different regions of the European Union, the growing popularity of Euroskeptical and populist parties. The author analyzes the influence of these factors and makes a forecast of the results of these elections for the leading pan-European parties, including the regional context.Key words: European Union, European elections, European Parliament, Eurosceptic parties, regionalism. ; В мае этого года в Евросоюзе пройдут очередные выборы депутатов Европарламента. На результаты этих выборов серьезное влияние окажут финансово-экономический и миграционный кризисы, Брекзит, поляризация между различными регионами Евросоюза, рост популярности евроскептических и популистских партий. Автор анализирует влияние данных факторов и делает прогноз результатов указанных выборов для ведущих общеевропейских партий, в том числе в региональном плане.Ключевые слова: Евросоюз, европейские выборы, Европарламент, евроскептические партии, регионализм.
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The evolution of the socio-economic systems is a non-linear process and it contains periods with smooth changes and subsequent periods of sharp jump transformation. The general design of new prospects opens at a stage of the birth of evolutionary processes, their forecasting requires the analysis of the historical prerequisites and risks, which are closely integrated to the change of moods in society. With the collapse of the Soviet Union, the newly independent states have passed the transformational and evolutional stage of development from the regional economy (they actually were the regions) to the economy of the state; the Central and Eastern European countries have experienced a dramatic "drift" to the European Union. In the article, the results of almost 25 years' transformation of these states are considered. New states, formed as a result of the collapse of the USSR, passed throughout three types of transformation. Firstly, it is the transformation at the ideological level. The transformation of the second type was purely economic. The third type can be characterized as the institutional (including structural and financial) transformation. It is shown that one of the important reasons for the modest economic performance in the post-Soviet space is that newly independent states ignore and do not use in the practice the principles of regional policy and regional modernization. One of the important characteristic of the social and economic evolution of the countries of Eastern Europe after 1990 became the process of stratification and social differentiation of society with an insufficiently strong middle class and the polarization in income levels between the different regions. The increasing polarization in the income levels of the various regions acts as the dominating trend of the growing economic inequality. ; Рассмотрена экономическая эволюция постсоветского пространства. Представлены положительные и отрицательные стороны постсоветского трансформационного периода. Проанализированы региональное развитие и экономическое неравенство регионов в странах с низким уровнем доходов и догоняющим типом развития. Выявлены причины и последствия расширения Европейского союза. ; The research has been supported by the Russian Science Foundation (Research project No 14-28-00065 "Structural and cyclical paradigm of economic and technological renovation of macro-systems (World and Russia in the first half of the XXI century)".
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The article analyzes the long-term impact of democratic institutions on socio-economic and political development of modern society. The author proves that the transitions to democracy in the twentieth century accelerated not only the pace of economic development, but also the processes of social polarization in society. Despite the positive impact of democratic institutions on economic development and political stability, democracy as a form of political rule cannot solve the problem of social inequality. The history of modern democracy shows that it reduces inequality levels only in certain cases, and in most cases social inequality increases both at the national and global levels. ; Анализируется долгосрочное влияние демократических институтов на социально-экономическое и политическое развитие современного общества. Автор доказывает, что переход к демократии в ХХ в. ускорил не только темпы экономического развития, но и процессы социального расслоения общества. Несмотря на положительное влияние демократических институтов на экономическое развитие и политическую стабильность, демократия как форма политического господства неспособна решить проблему социального неравенства. История современной демократии свидетельствует о том, что она только в отдельных случаях снижает уровень социального неравенства, а в большинстве случаев повышает его.
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Liquid crystal devices are widely used in measuring instrumentation, consumer and industrial electronics, medical, scientific and military equipment. The production of these devices is a promising and developing industry. Analysis of the market of liquid crystal devices suggests that the demand for film polarizers of transmission, reflection and transmission reflection types will increase due to the constant growth of production of liquid crystal indicators and the expansion of their applications. Studies aimed at the creation of film polarizers for various functional purposes and the development of technologies for their manufacture are relevant. Naphthalene-1,5-diamine widely used in the production of complex intermediate intermediates, dyes, chemical additives to polymers, pharmaceuticals, pesticides, etc. Naphthalene-1,5-diamine is an available starting compound for obtaining on its base promising substances for the development of optical materials and biologically active compounds. By interaction of naphthalene-1,5-diamine with substituted aldehydes or benzaldehydes of vanillin series in the medium of boiling absolute methanol in the presence of catalytic amounts of glacial acetic acid, (E,E)-diazomethines with yields of 75–87 % were synthesized. ; Жидкокристаллические устройства широко используются в измерительном приборостроении, бытовой и промышленной электронике, медицинской, научной и военной технике. Производство этих устройств является перспективной и развивающейся отраслью промышленности. Анализ рынка жидкокристаллических устройств позволяет утверждать, что спрос на пленочные поляризаторы пропускающего, отражающего и пропускающе-отражающего типов будет возрастать в связи с постоянным ростом выпуска жидкокристаллических индикаторов и расширением сфер их применения. Исследования, направленные на создание пленочных поляризаторов различного функционального назначения и на разработку технологий их изготовления, актуальны. Нафталин-1,5-диамин широко применяется в производстве сложных промежуточных полупродуктов, красителей, химических добавок к полимерам, фармацевтических препаратов, пестицидов и др. Нафталин-1,5-диамин является доступным исходным соединением для получения на его основе перспективных соединений при создании оптических материалов и биологически активных соединений. Взаимодействием нафталин-1,5-диамина с замещенными альдегидами или бензальдегидами ванилинового ряда в среде кипящего абсолютного метанола в присутствии каталитических количеств ледяной уксусной кислоты были синтезированы (E,E)-азометины с выходами 75–87 %.
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In: Vestnik Moskovskogo Universiteta: naučnyj žurnal = Moscow State University bulletin. Serija 9, Filologija, Heft №4, 2023, S. 157-171
While literary scholars frequently discuss the issue of rhythmical influence, there is still a need to establish clear criteria for determining such influence. This article suggests examining the processes for developing hypotheses about rhythmical influence within and across languages to initiate a discussion on the methodological principles of comparative rhythmics. Examples are provided, such as songs from Pir vo vremya chumy by Aleksandr Pushkin, where the rhythmical inf luence of possible sources is highly hypothetical, and Aleksandr Blok's equimetrical translations of Heine's 4-stressed trochees, including V etoj zhizni slishkom tjomnoj… (1909), which is a clear case of rhythmical borrowing. With Pushkin's works, the discussion focuses on hypotheses regarding the presence of rhythmical reminiscences from Zhukovsky and Baratynsky in the songs of Mary and Walsingham, as well as a possible influence of English verse rhythm. With Blok's trochees, his translations of Heine are considered in comparison with the rhythm of the German source and the poet's original trochees. To assert the fact of rhythmical influence is crucial not only to identify a complex of historical, semantic, and rhythmic factors that support the hypothesis of its presence in the text, but also establish a connection between these factors. It is imperative when dealing with small poetic fragments or fragments with strong rhythmic polarization. When making cross-linguistic comparisons, it is also necessary to consider that independent linguistic factors may fully explain the similarity of individual rhythmic tendencies.
In: Solovʹëvskie issledovanija, Heft 3, S. 10-25
The article considers the reaction in the Russian society on the piece by Vl. Soloviev «The Meaning of State» which was published by the liberal journal «The Herald of Europe» in December 1895. Special attention is paid on the causes of the indignation at this article in the left circles which were already peeved against the philosopher for his previous work of the same year - «The Meaning of War», and on the motives of the approval of «The Meaning of State» by the right publicists. It is stressed that the most important task for Vl. Soloviev in the period of writing his treatise «The Justification of Moral Good» was to demonstrate his allegiance to that ideas of his father, the prominent liberal historian S.M. Soloviev which could be seen, from the standpoint of the «fin de siècle» liberalism, as very conservative. The author formulates a hypothesis that the article "The Meaning of State" was destined to incorporate into the corpus of the ethical treatise by Vl. Soloviev but the specific way of polarization of Russian public opinion and the desire of philosopher to stay in the liberal circle determined his decision to exclude the predominant piece of this text from the book. It is stated that the article «The Meaning of State» was kept in memory for a long time as a strange and unique phenomenon of the appearance of the apology of Byzantine, autocratic state on the pages of leading liberal issue.
Since the late 19th century, the international scene has witnessed several waves of globalization that have transformed regulation and cooperation between nations. The current wave – that economists have defined as "globalization 4.0" – is shaped by an industrial revolution that combines digital, physical and biological transformations. Digital technology has a deep structural impact on public and private goods such as health, education, transportation or energy, which changes the terms of the global condition. It disrupts both the organization of societies and the relation between individuals and globalization. Compared to previous waves of globalization, globalization 4.0 affects the international system and runs throughout the global social fabric by increasing throughout the world the level of inequalities and by triggering subsequent polarization and fragmentation. In this global context, our current modes of cooperation and regulation are facing growing issues of legitimacy and efficiency, that are not entirely new, but that are now becoming particularly acute. Those issues of legitimacy and efficiency are furthermore complicated by a shared experience of disconnection from globalization – the rise of the globalization's so-called "left-behinds" – that could be characterized as a form of anomy at the international level. This complex challenge has not yet been fully embraced by the major institutions of global governance. There have been however responses at the sub-global level: connectivity politics, launched by China and followed by the European Union, is one illustration of the new paths that might be taken by global policy makers.
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Since the late 19th century, the international scene has witnessed several waves of globalization that have transformed regulation and cooperation between nations. The current wave – that economists have defined as "globalization 4.0" – is shaped by an industrial revolution that combines digital, physical and biological transformations. Digital technology has a deep structural impact on public and private goods such as health, education, transportation or energy, which changes the terms of the global condition. It disrupts both the organization of societies and the relation between individuals and globalization. Compared to previous waves of globalization, globalization 4.0 affects the international system and runs throughout the global social fabric by increasing throughout the world the level of inequalities and by triggering subsequent polarization and fragmentation. In this global context, our current modes of cooperation and regulation are facing growing issues of legitimacy and efficiency, that are not entirely new, but that are now becoming particularly acute. Those issues of legitimacy and efficiency are furthermore complicated by a shared experience of disconnection from globalization – the rise of the globalization's so-called "left-behinds" – that could be characterized as a form of anomy at the international level. This complex challenge has not yet been fully embraced by the major institutions of global governance. There have been however responses at the sub-global level: connectivity politics, launched by China and followed by the European Union, is one illustration of the new paths that might be taken by global policy makers.
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The article addresses main issues of United States-Soviet Union relations in 1985–1987 as per perception by the Media of the People's Republic of China. After World War II, the world split into two opposing blocs, led by the USA and the USSR. The 1980s brought about a significant shift in international economic relations. In 1985, new trends emerged: firstly, a number of developed and developing countries opposed the arms race fearing it might expand as far as the outer space and bring back the military polarization with unpredictable consequences for the economy; secondly, the demands of renouncing the tough confrontation were voiced within the military alliances. The leaders of both blocs found themselves unable to effectively control their allies. These changes forced the leadership of the USSR and the USA to adopt new foreign policies. This paper describes the course of negotiations between the USSR and the USA, the attitude of the Soviet leaders to American politicians, and the assessments of the actions of Soviet leaders by Chinese media. The evolution of Soviet foreign policy at that period can be divided into three stages: simultaneous dialogue and confrontation, first Soviet concessions and compromises, and two concessions of the USSR. In order to objectively and fairly describe the historical facts of the Soviet-American negotiations in 1985–1987, the author carefully analyzes the most important foreign policies of the USSR from the standpoint of the Chinese press and quotes the opinions of major Chinese newspapers, such as Renmin Ribao, Guangming Ribao, Xinhua Ribao and Zhongguo Qingnian Bao.
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