Suchergebnisse

Political scientists often see differences among citizens in the level of their political knowledge as an explanatory variable of their political behavior. To determine whether political interest is a motivating factor in obtaining political knowledge via the media, questionnaire data obtained in 1975 from 1,977 respondents ages 16-74 in the Netherlands were analyzed. It was expected that a high level of political knowledge would lead to a better perception of political advantage & profit. Surprisingly, the results showed that political knowledge was obtained from other channels besides the media, & that the perception of political advantage & profit did not account for the level of knowledge. The way in which the concept of political knowledge is measured deserves closer scrutiny by political scientists. 4 Tables, 4 Figures, 25 References. Adapted from the source document.

J. K. De Vree's "A Theory of Human Behaviour and of the Political Process" (see SA 26:2/78J2195) is criticized. The behavior model offered is faulted on the grounds that it is inconsistent & that it is difficult if not impossible to interpret. That the model is inconsistent is easy to see, thanks to its formal presentation. This criticism might not be very serious, due to the fact that it may be remedied through some small adjustments. The author's own interpretation of his model is not congruent with it. In particular, formulae containing variables that range over both cardinal & ordinal numbers seem impossible to interpret. It is concluded that the problems noted are due to too high a level of generality being sought. In Een reactie op De Vree's 'A Theory of Human Behaviour and of the Political Process' (A Reaction to De Vree's 'A Theory of Human Behavior and of the Political Process'), G. P. de Bruin argues that De Vree's theory is empty of empirical significance, & the theory's weakness can be traced to its mathematical axiomatic foundation. It is argued that the set theoretical concepts of ordinal & cardinal numbers have been misinterpreted, & that the whole problem of measurement in social sciences is merely 'axiomatized away'. In Een ordinale algebra en empirische theorie: een antwoord op Kritiek (An Ordinal Algebra and Empirical Theory: An Answer to Criticism), J. K. De Vree concedes that the theory is so far empty, & that the nature of its relationship to empirical data remains an unsolved problem. This is the case with all general theories & does not constitute a valid objection. It is further argued that the proposed axiomatization is nothing more than a systematization of the system of numbers & relations used in actual empirical research, & that far from axiomatizing away the measurement problem, a systematic account is given of the number system without which measurement would not be possible. A. Orianne.

The bad reputation in the social sciences of social Darwinian theories is one of the main hindrances to paying attention to ethology, the biological study of behavior. Although developments in this area of research suggest interesting implications for political science, so far, very few political scientists have dealt with these matters. First, the biological way of thinking about behavior is introduced. The object & method of ethology are dealt with, & attention is paid to the problems of function, causation, & history of behavior of animal & man. The neo-Darwinian theory of evolution, which is fundamental to ethology & to the main argument presented here, is summarized. It is concluded that morphology & behavior are both evolutionary organisms. Next, man is considered in the perspective of evolution. The belief in a rigid distinction between nature & nurture is discussed. The modern biological view that the human capacity for making culture is genetically coded is accepted. In a second part, some aspects of this biological view of behavior, relevant to political science, are discussed. From a comparison of definitions in ethology & political science, it appears that social behavior is the most important problem in both disciplines. Social scientists usually study behavior as an autonomous subject while biologists integrate their vision of behavior in the larger context of evolution. There is a fundamental similarity between ethological concepts of social behavior & some recently developed conceptions of political behavior. It is argued that relinquishing the more traditional focus of political science on state-oriented or group-centered action is an important condition.

Three stages of Dutch research on women & politics are delineated: (1) early research aimed at filling the gaps in knowledge about women's political participation & attitudes; (2) in the second stage, research addressed issues raised by feminism & debates about the scope of the political, & (3) in a now emerging third stage, interest is renewed in the major concepts of the Western political tradition, in which the genderedness of concepts is at stake. This stage may lead to a new paradigm for the discipline, relinking normative with empirical concerns. It is precisely the dominance of the empirical tradition in the Netherlands that prevents the incorporation of insights derived from feminist theory in the analysis of political behavior; however, reappraisal of the normative dimension & the domain of the discipline may reverse this trend. 114 References. Modified AA

In political participation research it is widely assumed that it is irrelevant on whose behalf a protest action is used, as claimed in A. Marsh's "Exploration in Unorthodox Political Behavior: A Scale to Measure 'Protest Potential"' (European Journal of Political Research, 1974, 2, 107-129). To investigate this claim, interview data were obtained from Dutch adults (N = 34) from 10 cities in 5 provinces on the acceptability of specific political acts, the extent to which they held firm opinions, & the degree to which a specific act would be acceptable in relation to a certain issue. A cursory analysis of data would uphold the commonly held claim; however, closer examination reveals that just over 50% of the responses were made according to the usual expectations. The results indicate that different rules for making decisions are employed not only among different people, but also by the same individual, depending on the issue. 11 Tables, 7 Figures, 3 Graphs, 11 References. Modified HA

VARIOUS EXPLICIT MARXIAN THEORIES ARE CURRENT ABOUT THE DIRECTION OF POLITICAL BEHAVIOR TO BE EXPECTED OF POOR PEASANTS IN THE THIRD WORLD. IN CHILE, IN 1970, PEASANTS DID GET A CHANCE TO VOTE A GOVERNMENT INTO POWER THAT HAD PROMISED TO TAKE THE COUNTRY ALONG THE ROAD TO SOCIALISM. USING UNITS AS THE MORE AGRARIAN MUNICIPALITIES OF CHILE, AN ECOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS WAS CARRIED OUT. PEASANTS DID NOT VOTE AS A BLOC, BUT ACCORDING TO THEIR POSITION IN THE PRODUCTIVE PROCESS AS INDEPENDENT OWNERS, TENANTS, FIXED, OR TEMPORAL WAGE EARNERS. EACH OF THE 3 PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES APPEARS TO HAVE FOUND A PARTICULAR STRUCTURAL NICHE IN THE CHILEAN COUNTRYSIDE. FOR ALLENDE, THIS NICHE IS CHARACTERIZED BY IRRIGATED PLANTATION TYPE AGRICULTURE, THAT MAKES USE OF TEMPORAL WAGE LABOR PROVIDED BY MINIFUNDIA. THE SYNDICAL POLICIES OF THE FREI GOVERNMENT MAY HAVE BENEFITED THE CANDIDATE OF THE GOVERNING PARTY, BUT NOT ITS LAND REFORM POLICY. 7 TABLES. HA.

The relationship between voters' perceptions of party leaders' personality traits & their subsequent party identification & voting behavior was examined in the Nov 1981 Belgian national elections based on evaluations made by 201 voters of 4 well-known leaders of the main Flemish political parties. Factor analysis reveals 3 main dimensions of personality traits -- reliability, expertness, & self-control -- & 4 types of voters -- convinced, policy-oriented, routine, & indifferent. Party leaders' personality traits variably affected voting behavior depending on voter type. Overall, the personality profiles of each leader were quite similar; however, Rs identified with a certain party tended to rate politicians from that party more favorably, particularly on reliability & attractiveness dimensions. 6 Tables, 1 Figure. Modified HA

Results from the 1986 parliamentary elections in the Netherlands are examined to assess the impact on voting behavior of several major factors: pillarization, based on religion & SC; issues; candidate orientations; & ideology. The importance of religion & SC has declined since the 1950s, with religious voters supporting secular parties & secular voters also supporting religious parties, especially the Christian Democrats. Issues & economic ideology are strongly related to party choice; candidate orientations also have some influence. Each of these perspectives explains part of voter behavior; together they yield two discriminant functions, one correlated with Left-Right orientation, various political issues, & support for various candidates, the other with religiosity & abortion attitudes. Together, these discriminant functions correctly classify 52% of voters by party preferences. 20 Tables, 2 Figures. Modified HA

Analysis of the results of three municipal district council elections in May 1984 in Rotterdam (Netherlands) reveals that the unemployed vote considerably less frequently than do the employed, a finding supported by past research. Examination of intervening variables reveals that unemployment most notably affects the f of voting for autochthonous voters of Dutch origin, particularly those with only primary school education; age has no significant influence. Unemployed persons who do vote show a deviant voting pattern in that they support the Dutch social-democratic party (PvdA) more than does the average voter. Though results provide a social-psychological picture of the average unemployed, the influence of politics & the political culture have not been investigated. Further research is suggested on the political involvement of the unemployed. 13 Tables, 1 Figure. Modified HA

An investigation of the impact of individual demographic variables on the decision to vote in the Netherlands. A logit specification is presented that explains the probability that an individual will vote, which is derived from the assumption that an individual will maximize utility in a situation of choosing between two alternatives. Comparing results from five separate election years reveals that analysis based on only one year depends strongly on the year chosen. Thus, pooled data from these five years is analyzed & compared to results from similar studies. It is concluded that higher income, education, subjective social category, age, & f of church attendance all positively influence voting behavior; being a member of a trade union or a public bureaucrat also makes voting more likely. 3 Tables, 12 References. Modified HA