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The paper depicts various orientations, methodological approaches & insights into the three dominant types of electoral process research: political/sociological, focusing on the position of the individual within the structure of society; political/psychological, focusing on the party identification & the structure of attitudes; & political/economical, focusing on the rational choice process. By distinguishing between the substantial & the procedural rationality, these approaches are not considered to be rival or mutually exclusive, but complementary, enabling us to understand individual electoral decisions through their interaction. 21 References. Adapted from the source document.

Ovaj se rad bavi analizom glazbenih preferencija i političkog ponašanja kod studenata na Sveučilištu u Zagrebu. U skladu s navedenim provedeno je istraživanje na studentima Sveučilišta u Zagrebu (N=140). Prvi dio rada obuhvaća teorijski pregled pri čemu se dotiče dosadašnjih istraživanja u sferi glazbenih preferencija te različitih aspekata političkog ponašanja. U drugom dijelu rada provedeno je istraživanje u kojem su se mjerile glazbene preferencije i političko ponašanje mladih. U kontekstu glazbenih preferencija obuhvaćene su sljedeće komponente: učestalost slušanja glazbe, utjecaj slušanja glazbe na život studenata i preferencije prema pojedinom žanru glazbe. Kako bi izmjerili političko ponašanje studenata mjerena je: politička orijentacija studenata, izlaznost na izbore, participacija u strankama, na prosvjedima, potpisivanjima peticija i štrajkovima, učestalost političkog informiranja, podrška demokraciji te je provjeravano znanje o osnovnim političkim pojmovima. Istraživanjem se pokušalo provjeriti postoji li povezanost između tih dvaju faktora. Rezultati istraživanja su pokazali kako su lijevo orijentirani ispitanici manje skloni popularno tradicionalnom glazbenom ukusu te pokazuju veću razinu političke participacije. Također, pokazalo se kako ispitanici u čijim životima glazba ima velik utjecaj, pokazuju manju razinu znanja o politici. ; This paper deals with the analysis of musical preferences and political behaviour among students at the University of Zagreb. In accordance following the aforementioned, a study was conducted on students of the University of Zagreb (N=140). The first part of the paper includes a theoretical overview, touching on previous research in the field of musical preferences and various aspects of political behaviour. In the second part, the research was conducted in which the musical preferences and political behaviour were measured. In the context of the musical components, the following components were included: frequency of the listening to the music, the impact on their ...

Does the division between "red" and "black" Croatia exist not only in ideological space but in actual geographical space? Which factors are associated with local and regional political behavior and political identities? This article uses spatial analysis to provide answers to these questions. Visual analysis is used as are multivariate models based on the idea of spatial dependence, i.e. spatial clustering and agglomeration. Units of analysis are municipalities and cities in Croatia. The analysis suggests that the most relevant factors are prior political choices of a locale and the political preferences of neighboring locales. Economic and demographic factors are not unimportant but are weaker determinants of the political choices of a county or city. The analysis suggests a high degree of local and regional fortification of political parties. The space for political competition is comparatively open in Slavonia, especially in its northwestern part. Adapted from the source document.

Does the division between "red" and "black" Croatia exist not only in ideological space but in actual geographical space? Which factors are associated with local and regional political behavior and political identities? This article uses spatial analysis to provide answers to these questions. Visual analysis is used as are multivariate models based on the idea of spatial dependence, i.e. spatial clustering and agglomeration. Units of analysis are municipalities and cities in Croatia. The analysis suggests that the most relevant factors are prior political choices of a locale and the political preferences of neighboring locales. Economic and demographic factors are not unimportant but are weaker determinants of the political choices of a county or city. The analysis suggests a high degree of local and regional fortification of political parties. The space for political competition is comparatively open in Slavonia, especially in its northwestern part. Adapted from the source document.

Did the social changes of 1989/90, both on the territory of the former Yugoslavia & the entire Eastern Europe, surprise political analysts? Or did the research in social sciences, particularly political science, sociology, & psychology, perhaps supply enough material pointing to the possible changes as well as to the course they were going to take? In this work, the author gives a critical review of his studies conducted & published between 1980 & 1990 &, by hindsight, shows their relevance for understanding the recent radical & dramatic changes. Inevitably, the conclusion is that the author's research had pointed to the existence of all psychological conditions necessary for the events that followed. The long crisis, first economic & later political, gave rise to social unrest, which soon turned into general agitation. The powerful presence of the authoritarian structure of personality in these territories, the enduring xenophobia that, in combination with the appropriate ideological manipulation, easily leads to open inter-ethnic conflicts, the lack of both an adequate political culture & the democratic mechanisms of overcoming conflicts, within the context of decrepitude of an ideological project in a multiethnic community rife with historical conflicts, inevitably led into open conflicts. 5 Tables, 2 Figures, 15 References. Adapted from the source document.

In his analysis of the role of animals in political theory, ideology, & practice, the author claims that they are mostly used as metaphors, while in the world of real politics, people are not just considered & spoken of as animals, but are treated as such as well. The text includes several motifs from this substantial, historically well-documented, extensive topic. Political thinking in antiquity distinguishes a man from an animal, while the Renaissance & the modern political theory recognize the animality in politics. In contemporary theories & collective psychology, there are the motifs of rulers, shepherds & people, & erds. In fables as a literary genre, animals serve to teach the nature of politics as well as proper & improper political behavior. Adapted from the source document.

Considering the rise of euroscepticism in France, especially in the eve of key events for the EU integration process, the article identifies the key actors promoting euroscepticism & the motivation behind their political action. The article tries to show that the main eurosceptical actors are opposition & marginal political parties with either left or right political orientation, & that the main motives for their political behavior are not to be found in their ideology, nor in a rational political competition, & not even in the French political tradition (and that is the reason why euroscepticism is considered only as a phenomenon). The motives for euroscepticism are found in the actors' drive towards short-term political goals with a help of populist rhetoric in order to discredit the EU project, but without an intention to offer counter proposals & long term political projects. The article analyses the results of the EU Parliament elections, the referendum for the EU Constitutional contract & discusses the electoral attitudes of certain political parties regarding their ideological orientation. The concluding remarks offer & explanation of the political parties motives for euroscepticism, an explanation of the social context where euroscepticism is accepted & a general analysis of the phenomenon. Adapted from the source document.

The Ministry of Science of the Republic of Croatia decided on a new Rule Book of Definition of Scientific Areas. According to the book, Politology is a scientific field in the area of social science. It is divided into 3 branches: (1) Politology, (2) Theory and History of Politics, & (3) Political Philosophy. By using documents, the author of this article shows how political science is differently structured by IPSA & APSA. The author describes 120 years of dominantly American development of political science & of professions of political scientists, which brought out a recent new world standard with around 100 subdisciplines & areas of expertise that are structured in 8 fundamental disciplines: (1) Political Institutions, (2) Political Behavior, (3) Comparative Politics, (4) International Relations, (5) Political Theory, (6) Public Policy & Public Administration/Management, (7) Political Economy, & (8) Political Methodology. The author points out that a voluntaristic intervention in the definition of scientific areas could mean an attack on the development of science, research organization, renewal of teaching staff at the university, & academic education of political scientists, as well as internationally comparable competence of Croatian experts & Croatian democratic political thought & political culture in general. 133 References. Adapted from the source document.

By applying the analytical model derived by Deegan-Krause, the paper analyzes social cleavages underpinning the party preferences in the elections for the Croatian Parliament in 2003. The results of the research carried out on a sample of 2,000 adult Croatian citizens by phone interviews two days before the elections indicate that this model has identified relatively shallow social cleavages underlying the voting behavior in the analyzed elections. Namely, out of thirteen analyzed attitudes only three significantly explain a part of the variance in party preferences, the most significant being the attitude concerning the cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia in the Hague & the attitude concerning abortion. The results also show there is a significant link among certain socio-demographic characteristics, the attitudes about the political issues in question & the party preferences. This means that there might be a social cleavage at work here. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

By applying the analytical model derived by Deegan-Krause, the paper analyzes social cleavages underpinning the party preferences in the elections for the Croatian Parliament in 2003. The results of the research carried out on a sample of 2,000 adult Croatian citizens by phone interviews two days before the elections indicate that this model has identified relatively shallow social cleavages underlying the voting behavior in the analyzed elections. Namely, out of thirteen analyzed attitudes only three significantly explain a part of the variance in party preferences, the most significant being the attitude concerning the cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia in the Hague & the attitude concerning abortion. The results also show there is a significant link among certain socio-demographic characteristics, the attitudes about the political issues in question & the party preferences. This means that there might be a social cleavage at work here. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

This work presents the results of empirical research on the relation among authoritarianism, political worldview, & party choice. Based on the existing research, the starting assumption is that authoritarianism is largely typical for the electoral body of the "right-wing" parties as well as for the conservative worldview. The specially designed scale for measuring authoritarian/conformist tendencies has shown a marked mono-dimensionality & inner consistency. The findings have confirmed the initial assumption; they have also shown a relatively regular correspondence between a party's position on the "Left-Right" spectrum & the degree of authoritarianism of its electoral body. The sole exception is a higher degree of authoritarianism of HDZ's electoral body than that of HSP's, which may be explained by the fact that the applied scale has measured solely the attitude towards authority & conformity & not the attitude towards minority groups, which is a component of the famous "F" scale. Also, it has been shown that the voters of the so-called "modernist" worldviews (liberal, social-democratic) are significantly less authoritarian than the voters of the so-called "conservative" worldviews (democratic-Christian, Christian-socialist, traditional, or conservative). 10 Tables, 2 Figures, 20 References. Adapted from the source document.

The significance of positive political theory is recognized in the text, placing special emphasis on the theories of public choice & voting. The main reasons for the study of political, particularly electoral, processes from the viewpoint of positive theory are enumerated. The author further questions certain fundamental postulates of normative theories of democracy & their lack of viability. He goes on to analyze the phenomenon of the so-called electoral or voting paradoxes & their possible influence on electoral results &, ultimately, on democratic norms themselves. The existence of voting paradoxes & their theoretical rationale is considered unequivocal & is mathematically proved. The author also reviews the most significant works on voting paradoxes & the theory of public choice. 3 Figures, 31 References. Adapted from the source document.