Suchergebnisse

Many changes, both internally & externally, have been felt during the 20 yrs that a Democratic majority governed the US. Since Eisenhower's election in 1952 & re-election in 1956, it would be interesting to know to what extent the Republican majority can be considered to be stable. In 1956, the Democrats won the elections, the presidential party having failed, for the 1st time since 1848, to carry a majority to Congress in a Presidential election yr. PO polls show that there are 3 Democrats for every 2 Republicans. Stevenson was defeated because the Republicans were better organized than the Democrats, many of whom voted for Eisenhower or did not vote at all. Finally, the Republicans control almost all of the press & the media of propaganda & information, & the SS of Republicanism is more a matter of prestige than one of soc pressure. The Wc, while still almost exclusively Democratic in 1948, is becoming more & more Republican, while the moderates are gradually drifting from the Democratic party. Cath's, Ru voters, & individuals living in small towns are tending toward Republicanism, while the younger age groups of the New Deal generation are remaining faithful to the Democratic Party. The qualities of the candidates in 1952 & 1956 certainly played a role in the division of the votes, but if the prestige of the General was a factor, Stevenson also had traits in his favor. Domestic issues, especially the Negro question, had their influence, but foreign affairs is the area in which the diff's in the parties is most apparent. Tr by J. A. Broussard from IPSA.

An argument is presented that instead of hiding behind political correctness; political scientists and journalists should recognize that negative campaigns benefits democracy. Examples of negative campaigning in the 2008 US Presidential election are discussed. Negative campaigning is defined. A literature review is included of criticisms against negative campaigning and the effects thereof. The author argues that criticisms of negative campaigning are presented outside historical context and rests on a naive understanding of democracy. It is suggested that it is an insult to voter intelligence to presume that false information can be disseminated by negative ads. It is maintained that negative campaigning lead to full disclosure and increased factual information to voters. Examples are provided of the losing party using negative campaigning as an excuse, rather than focusing on underlying political issues. It is argued that the media fuel the fire of negative campaigns by guaranteed extensive coverage, thus turning negative campaigns into good political strategy. The value of negative campaigns is increased voter interest, which lead to a better democracy. References. E. Sundby

If the struggle for power becomes a matter of decision for a pol'al party or pol'al figure in a democracy, the ensuing action may not be in accord with previous behavior. The British pol'al scene shows an actual example of this kind of applied psychol. The Suez affair & its subsequent crisis created a serious psychol'al crisis in GB, a crisis so severe that Harold Macmillan had to deal with it by original methods. Forced to take measures, such as the one giving British shipowners the right to again use the canal, which really indicate the decline in British power, he nevertheless succeeded in restoring public confidence. He took his cabinet ministers in hand by allowing them a large measure of individual initiative, unlike Eden who supervised the most minute details of admin'tion. His authority over the Conservative party was very rapidly reaffirmed, to the point where he was able to force Lord Salisbury to leave the Cabinet. In the end he managed to get the Conservatives in Parliament behind him, by channeling their dislike toward the Labor Party, & by also directing their animosity toward the US & the UN. His apparent calm & indifference allowed him to take a neutral position toward these scapegoats, leaving vindictiveness to his partisans by this device. All of his efforts, however, did not succeed in restoring his prestige with the public who are less sensitive to the psychol'al techniques of the leader than the politicians, & who measure a politician in terms of his accomplishments, which have not been, so far very favorable. Tr by J. A. Broussard from IPSA.

Norwegian foreign policy discourse is mainly based on the premise that Norway is a "small state." This insistence has linked it to another discourse within the IR community, namely small state literature. The author examines this tradition critically, emphasizing its main tenet: the significance of military power. Paradoxically, one might say, because this way of thinking presupposes a "great power" perspective. Small states have usually been regarded as too weak to influence world politics to any significant extent, but this view is only valid within a "Westphalian" political order. The article explores the various attempts of defining the small state, & the general perception of a specific small state behavior. These efforts, however, presuppose a kind of similarity between small states, which is not historically evident. Instead the author highlights the significance of studying small states more historically, taking into consideration the great variations between them. In recent years, the claim that there exists a universal small state behavior has been challenged by developments within the EU. This "post Westphalian" kind of political order demonstrates the way in which small states within the community now develop a new sense of "activism" & a new small state identity -- changes which add up to a radically new small state profile. 120 References. Adapted from the source document.

How have smart phones and social media changed life for young people today? Why do we get irritated when boys are in trouble, but worried when girls are? How do Muslim youth really feel about being called a 'goddamned terrorist'?YOUTH reveals what it's like to be a young person in today's world. We gain new empirical information on life within the context of family, school, and sports. We are invited to drinking parties where sexual boundaries are tested. We also tag along with a group of guys on a hunting trip where the shotgun shells are high gauge. And: Is it true that rates of anxiety and depression have increased? Or that gender identity has become so fluid that more and more young people believe they are neither 'girl' nor 'boy'?The book details some distinct trends – a school that disciplines students in new ways, less alcohol consumption and problematic behavior, disinclination toward early sex. We also see a fascinating political activism. It is the young who are on the frontlines of the climate crisis battle.Publication of YOUTH also marks the 30th anniversary of the leading center for youth research in Norway, established at NOVA, the Norwegian Social Research institute at Oslo Metropolitan University.This book will be relevant to researchers, students, teachers and all those who work on behalf of young people from the national to the local level, as well as politicians, journalists and others interested in research-based information about how young people actually live today.Guro Ødegård is a senior researcher and institute leader at OsloMet's Norwegian Social Research institute, NOVA. Willy Pedersen is professor of sociology at the University of and a NOVA affiliate.; Hvordan har smarttelefonen og sosiale medier endret livet til dagens unge? Hvorfor irriterer vi oss over gutter som lager trøbbel for andre, mens vi bekymrer oss for jenter som sliter? Hvordan oppleves det egentlig for muslimske ungdommer å bli kalt «jævla terrorist»?UNGDOMMEN bretter ut livet til dagens unge. Vi får ny empirisk kunnskap om livet i familien, i skolen og i idretten. Vi blir med inn på fuktige fester hvor seksuelle grenser presses. Men vi blir også med en gjeng gutter på jakt, hvor haglpatronene skal være av grovt kaliber. Dessuten: Stemmer det at forekomsten av angst og depresjon har økt? Eller at kjønnskategoriene flyter, at stadig flere opplever at de hverken er «gutt» eller «jente»?Boken viser noen tydelige tendenser – en skole som disiplinerer elevene på nye måter, mindre alkohol og problematferd, tilbakeholdenhet med tidlig sex. Samtidig ser vi et fascinerende politisk opprør. Det er ungdom som viser vei i klimakampen.UNGDOMMEN markerer at det er 30 år siden det ledende ungdomsforskningsmiljøet i Norge, som befinner seg på NOVA ved OsloMet, ble etablert.Boken henvender seg til forskere, studenter, lærere og alle som arbeider med ungdom på statlig og lokalt nivå, samt til politikere, journalister og andre som kan ha nytte av forskningsbasert kunnskap om hvordan ungdom faktisk lever i dag.Guro Ødegård er forsker 1 og instituttdirektør ved Velferdsforskningsinstituttet NOVA ved OsloMet. Willy Pedersen er professor i sosiologi ved Universitetet i Oslo og tilknyttet NOVA ved OsloMet.