Preferencje polityczne: postawy, identyfikacje, zachowania = Political preferences : attitude, identification, behavior
ISSN: 2449-9064
ISSN: 2449-9064
In: Studia z polityki publicznej: Public policy studies, Band 4, Heft 1, S. 9-24
ISSN: 2719-7131
The author of the article presents and analyzes the concept of the public sphere which was created by Plessner in the twenties of the twentieth century. It includes the main work of Plessner written in 1923, The Limits of Community: A Critique of Social Radicalism. This book presents two forms of public life organisation: community and society. Plessner shows the important differences in the understanding of the role of the individual in these two forms of human collectivity organisation. Plessner creates its own versions of anthropology for understanding the possibility of different treatment of individuals in the community and in society. He presented this concept in the paper entitled Conditio humana in 1961 which represents one of the main works of political anthropology in the twentieth century. His research effort focuses on the presentation of the role of the public sphere in the social life. Its important characteristic is neutral behavior of people performing the roles in social life. According to Plessner, there are two types of community: a blood-based type and an ideal-based type both of which aspire to control the public sphere. The meaning of Plessner's concept is very broad; both for explaining the totalitarianism creation in Germany as well as for discovering a deeper sense of political changes in the modern world.
The aim of the paper is to establish the structure of the voter's perception of the electorates of various political parties. We conducted an exploratory and confirmatory study using the data collected from voters in 2009, 2011, 2015 and 2017. The structure involved aspects related to human personality traits (Honesty, Disagreeableness, and Susceptibility to Manipulation), worldview and ideology (Conservatism, Left Wing vs. Right Wing), and evaluation (Backwardness vs. Modernity). The study revealed the configural and metric invariance of the structure of the voter's perception of political party electorates. These aspects explain political preferences at an individual level. This is a contribution to current literature that links the voter's perception of electorates to political preferences by presenting a six-factor model established on a valid and reliable psychometric inventory. The model opens up new opportunities for systematic empirical research that will advance our knowledge of the voter's behavior. ; Celem serii czterech badań eksploracyjnych i konfirmacyjnych przeprowadzonych w latach 2009, 2011, 2015 i 2017 była identyfikacja struktury postrzegania elektoratów partii politycznych i opracowanie narzędzia do pomiaru tej struktury. Ustalono, że elektoraty partii politycznych są postrzegane przez pryzmat trzech wymiarów osobowości (Uczciwość, Konfliktowość i Podatność na manipulację), światopoglądu i ideologii (Konserwatyzm, Lewicowość vs. Prawicowość) oraz wymiaru oceniającego (Zacofanie vs. Nowoczesność). W badaniach potwierdzono równoważność konfiguracyjną i metryczną struktury postrzegania elektoratów różnych partii oraz ich wartość w wyjaśnianiu preferencji wyborczych. Opracowany model strukturalny oraz walory psychometryczne kwestionariusza otwierają nowe możliwości systematycznych badań empirycznych uwarunkowań zachowań wyborczych.
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Celem serii czterech badań eksploracyjnych i konfirmacyjnych przeprowadzonych w latach 2009, 2011, 2015 i 2017 była identyfikacja struktury postrzegania elektoratów partii politycznych i opracowanie narzędzia do pomiaru tej struktury. Ustalono, że elektoraty partii politycznych są postrzegane przez pryzmat trzech wymiarów osobowości (Uczciwość, Konfliktowość i Podatność na manipulację), światopoglądu i ideologii (Konserwatyzm, Lewicowość vs. Prawicowość) oraz wymiaru oceniającego (Zacofanie vs. Nowoczesność). W badaniach potwierdzono równoważność konfiguracyjną i metryczną struktury postrzegania elektoratów różnych partii oraz ich wartość w wyjaśnianiu preferencji wyborczych. Opracowany model strukturalny oraz walory psychometryczne kwestionariusza otwierają nowe możliwości systematycznych badań empirycznych uwarunkowań zachowań wyborczych. ; The aim of the paper is to establish the structure of the voter's perception of the electorates of various political parties. We conducted an exploratory and confirmatory study using the data collected from voters in 2009, 2011, 2015 and 2017. The structure involved aspects related to human personality traits (Honesty, Disagreeableness, and Susceptibility to Manipulation), worldview and ideology (Conservatism, Left Wing vs. Right Wing), and evaluation (Backwardness vs. Modernity). The study revealed the configural and metric invariance of the structure of the voter's perception of political party electorates. These aspects explain political preferences at an individual level. This is a contribution to current literature that links the voter's perception of electorates to political preferences by presenting a six-factor model established on a valid and reliable psychometric inventory. The model opens up new opportunities for systematic empirical research that will advance our knowledge of the voter's behavior.
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Articulation of ideological and political position gains special importance in the conditions of cleavage. Structuring of a cleavage and political behavior distinctive to it are to some – albeit considerable – extent dependent on coherent and well-organized political expression of beliefs and postulates, addressed to certain social groups. It is an important role of party manifestos to organize relations between parties and their widely understood socio-political environment. On that account searching for traces of cleavage politics in party manifestos is so important, because some of the statements contained in such documents gain specific sense just in the conditions of cleavage. The aim of this paper is to deliver some research guidelines for those political science studies that aim at identification of traces of cleavage politics in party manifestos, especially bearing in mind Polish political conditions. The study was prepared on the basis of criteria derived from theories of socio-political cleavages, as well as theoretical criteria concerning the functions of party manifestos, integrating dispersed theoretical knowledge and empirical findings. The article points to crucial methodological and theoretical assumptions, as well as directions of research on cleavage politics in matters set in the title of the paper.
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Articulation of ideological and political position gains special importance in the conditions of cleavage. Structuring of a cleavage and political behavior distinctive to it are to some – albeit considerable – extent dependent on coherent and well-organized political expression of beliefs and postulates, addressed to certain social groups. It is an important role of party manifestos to organize relations between parties and their widely understood socio-political environment. On that account searching for traces of cleavage politics in party manifestos is so important, because some of the statements contained in such documents gain specific sense just in the conditions of cleavage. The aim of this paper is to deliver some research guidelines for those political science studies that aim at identification of traces of cleavage politics in party manifestos, especially bearing in mind Polish political conditions. The study was prepared on the basis of criteria derived from theories of socio-political cleavages, as well as theoretical criteria concerning the functions of party manifestos, integrating dispersed theoretical knowledge and empirical findings. The article points to crucial methodological and theoretical assumptions, as well as directions of research on cleavage politics in matters set in the title of the paper.
BASE
Articulation of ideological and political position gains special importance in the conditions of cleavage. Structuring of a cleavage and political behavior distinctive to it are to some – albeit considerable – extent dependent on coherent and well-organized political expression of beliefs and postulates, addressed to certain social groups. It is an important role of party manifestos to organize relations between parties and their widely understood socio-political environment. On that account searching for traces of cleavage politics in party manifestos is so important, because some of the statements contained in such documents gain specific sense just in the conditions of cleavage. The aim of this paper is to deliver some research guidelines for those political science studies that aim at identification of traces of cleavage politics in party manifestos, especially bearing in mind Polish political conditions. The study was prepared on the basis of criteria derived from theories of socio-political cleavages, as well as theoretical criteria concerning the functions of party manifestos, integrating dispersed theoretical knowledge and empirical findings. The article points to crucial methodological and theoretical assumptions, as well as directions of research on cleavage politics in matters set in the title of the paper.
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The subject of this paper is an analysis of behavior on the Polish political stage. Its starting point is a reflection on conflict and consensus in a democratic system. This general context requires us to approach these phenomena in terms of a range of aspects which can in turn affect the final assessment of conflict and consensus from the point of view of the quality of the political system. It turns out that the most important communication channels for this interaction are systematically and consistently closed by both sides involved in the conflict. The assumption that this political activity is inspired by marketing suggests that such a strategy has been planned in advance and is rationally implemented. ; The subject of this paper is an analysis of behavior on the Polish political stage. Its starting point is a reflection on conflict and consensus in a democratic system. This general context requires us to approach these phenomena in terms of a range of aspects which can in turn affect the final assessment of conflict and consensus from the point of view of the quality of the political system. It turns out that the most important communication channels for this interaction are systematically and consistently closed by both sides involved in the conflict. The assumption that this political activity is inspired by marketing suggests that such a strategy has been planned in advance and is rationally implemented.
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In his book author explains social and political phenomena that are connected with political change in local conditions in Poland in 1989. As yet there has been no empirical study that would consider first partly free election to the last parliament of People's Republic of Poland in local conditions. In 1989 there were 108 electoral constituencies in Poland to the Sejm elections, and free election to the Senate were conducted in 49 provinces of Poland. Chojnice was a capital city of election constituency no. 14 to the Sejm and a part of election to the Senate conducted in Bydgoszcz Province. As over the time social issues are perceived through stereotypes and tend to be mythologized, it seems important to author to show such events and phenomena on firm basis. It is worth emphasizing that results from 1989 elections in local conditions are generally unknown. Poles do not know results in their local constituencies because nearly thirty years after the elections official results from local constituencies still have not been not published anywhere. Thus, this study is based on primary sources, newspapers from that time, literature of this particular issue. The analysis and synthesis is based on a number of theoretical perspectives: behaviorism to describe interaction between political actors – electoral system – party systems; political process and political change; Joseph Schumpeter's assumption that political competition is of fundamental importance for the democracy; Samuel Huntington's theory of third wave of democratization. All the data is analyzed in quantitative perspective. There is no hypothesis as the study is a descriptive and explanatory one. Its main goal is to highlight earlier unknown phenomena. This study is about local politics in a one-party state during the time of political change, so author refers to the politics on state level from that time. The most important questions refer to: continuity of activity of new social movement members from the time of the carnival of Chojnice "Solidarity" in the years 1980-1981 and their involvement in 1989; political negotiations and emergence of political leaders during that time; political will of citizens to take part in political change and their will to change the political system; attitudes of political actors from PUWP and "Solidarity"; individual nature of facts from that time taken under consideration from the perspective of local reality; attitudes of local regime members towards political change; results of elections in Chojnice constituency on 4th and 18th June 1989; differentiation of political behavior in Chojnice constituency; picture of society of that time; influence of cultural and ethnical identity as well as people's ties (mainly with Catholic Church) and roots on their political choices. Political behavior is one of the main category of this study. Author highlights not only electoral system but also describes process of political leaders' emergence on local scale. In this perspective election campaign is portrayed as a political fight between candidates of Citizen Committee of "Solidarity" and candidates of Polish United Worker's Party (PUWP) and its political satellites. As a matter of fact, author stresses the importance of category of the legitimization and shows that members of PUWP (in Poland known as PZPR) were not totally delegitimized by citizens in 1989 election in Chojnice constituency. In fact, PUWP was mostly legitimized by Poles in the northern part of Bydgoszcz Province during that election. The study consists of the following parts: introduction, 8 chapters, summary, bibliography, index and appendix. The first chapter describes electoral system and law that was enforced in 1989. The second one analyzes political climate and political situation around elections to the Sejm and the Senate. The third chapter is also mostly analytical one. Author describes local communists apparatchiks' attitude towards political change. The fourth chapter shows the process of political leaders emergence from both sides of the political conflict. The fifth chapter describes personal features of candidates to the Sejm and the Senate. The sixth chapter shows election campaign. The seventh one shows election results. The eighth chapter describes political attitudes and behavior of citizens in Chojnice constituency. In the appendix readers may find results from constituency districts of Chojnice town, and Chojnice country. As a result of this study some unexpected conclusions emerged after empirical study, for example: one of the most prominent one is that citizens of People's Republic of Poland do not reject totally PUWP and its monopoly for power and authority; paradoxically candidates from "Solidarity" movement were not selected as democratically as candidates from PUWP ; deep differences in political attitudes in Chojnice constituency depended on the scale of people's religiousness and the tradition of political opposition in town, as well as on ethnic groups; the highest support for political change was among Kashubians, whereas the lowest in the groups called Krajniacy and Borowiacy.
BASE
In his book author explains social and political phenomena that are connected with political change in local conditions in Poland in 1989. As yet there has been no empirical study that would consider first partly free election to the last parliament of People's Republic of Poland in local conditions. In 1989 there were 108 electoral constituencies in Poland to the Sejm elections, and free election to the Senate were conducted in 49 provinces of Poland. Chojnice was a capital city of election constituency no. 14 to the Sejm and a part of election to the Senate conducted in Bydgoszcz Province. As over the time social issues are perceived through stereotypes and tend to be mythologized, it seems important to author to show such events and phenomena on firm basis. It is worth emphasizing that results from 1989 elections in local conditions are generally unknown. Poles do not know results in their local constituencies because nearly thirty years after the elections official results from local constituencies still have not been not published anywhere. Thus, this study is based on primary sources, newspapers from that time, literature of this particular issue. The analysis and synthesis is based on a number of theoretical perspectives: behaviorism to describe interaction between political actors – electoral system – party systems; political process and political change; Joseph Schumpeter's assumption that political competition is of fundamental importance for the democracy; Samuel Huntington's theory of third wave of democratization. All the data is analyzed in quantitative perspective. There is no hypothesis as the study is a descriptive and explanatory one. Its main goal is to highlight earlier unknown phenomena. This study is about local politics in a one-party state during the time of political change, so author refers to the politics on state level from that time. The most important questions refer to: continuity of activity of new social movement members from the time of the carnival of Chojnice "Solidarity" in the years 1980-1981 and their involvement in 1989; political negotiations and emergence of political leaders during that time; political will of citizens to take part in political change and their will to change the political system; attitudes of political actors from PUWP and "Solidarity"; individual nature of facts from that time taken under consideration from the perspective of local reality; attitudes of local regime members towards political change; results of elections in Chojnice constituency on 4th and 18th June 1989; differentiation of political behavior in Chojnice constituency; picture of society of that time; influence of cultural and ethnical identity as well as people's ties (mainly with Catholic Church) and roots on their political choices. Political behavior is one of the main category of this study. Author highlights not only electoral system but also describes process of political leaders' emergence on local scale. In this perspective election campaign is portrayed as a political fight between candidates of Citizen Committee of "Solidarity" and candidates of Polish United Worker's Party (PUWP) and its political satellites. As a matter of fact, author stresses the importance of category of the legitimization and shows that members of PUWP (in Poland known as PZPR) were not totally delegitimized by citizens in 1989 election in Chojnice constituency. In fact, PUWP was mostly legitimized by Poles in the northern part of Bydgoszcz Province during that election. The study consists of the following parts: introduction, 8 chapters, summary, bibliography, index and appendix. The first chapter describes electoral system and law that was enforced in 1989. The second one analyzes political climate and political situation around elections to the Sejm and the Senate. The third chapter is also mostly analytical one. Author describes local communists apparatchiks' attitude towards political change. The fourth chapter shows the process of political leaders emergence from both sides of the political conflict. The fifth chapter describes personal features of candidates to the Sejm and the Senate. The sixth chapter shows election campaign. The seventh one shows election results. The eighth chapter describes political attitudes and behavior of citizens in Chojnice constituency. In the appendix readers may find results from constituency districts of Chojnice town, and Chojnice country. As a result of this study some unexpected conclusions emerged after empirical study, for example: one of the most prominent one is that citizens of People's Republic of Poland do not reject totally PUWP and its monopoly for power and authority; paradoxically candidates from "Solidarity" movement were not selected as democratically as candidates from PUWP ; deep differences in political attitudes in Chojnice constituency depended on the scale of people's religiousness and the tradition of political opposition in town, as well as on ethnic groups; the highest support for political change was among Kashubians, whereas the lowest in the groups called Krajniacy and Borowiacy. ; Monografia powstała ona w wyniku analizy procesu wyborczego tzw. przełomu politycznego związanego z wyborami czerwcowymi 1989 r. Jest to studium zdarzeń i zjawisk z tamtego okresu, z okręgu wyborczego nr 14 Chojnice, który to okręg do Sejmu PRL obejmował w wyborach kontaktowych całą północną część województwa bydgoskiego i był jednym ze 108 takich okręgów w Polsce. W książce przedstawiono zarówno genezę decyzji politycznych stojących za wyborem przedterminowych wyborów w 1989 r. przez reżim komunistyczny, jak i między innymi proces wyłaniania liderów na listy wyborcze. Zaprezentowano postawy polityczne, kontekst społeczno-polityczny, stanowisko lokalnych struktur Polskiej Zjednoczonej Partii Robotniczej i jej działaczy wobec perspektywy głębokich przemian politycznych, które zapowiadały wybory czerwcowe, jak i też zaprezentowano reakcje powyborcze chojnickich komunistów. Dokonano także analizy porównawczej, według podstawowej jednostki jaką była gmina, ukazując zróżnicowanie postaw również w odniesieniu do przynależności etnograficznej wyborców w okręgu wyborczym nr 14. Analizie poddano także wybory do Senatu, koncentrując się na przebiegu kampanii, kandydatach oraz wynikach z terenu północnej części województwa bydgoskiego. Całość studium jest wynikiem analizy materiałów źródłowych - tj. dokumentów Państwowej Komisji Wyborczej, Rady Państwa oraz Komitetu Miejskiego PZPR w Chojnicach i Komitetu Gminnego PZPR w Chojnicach oraz relacji i wspomnień.
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In: Wrocławskie studia politologiczne: czasopismo Instytutu Politologii Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, Heft 12, S. 26-38
ISSN: 1643-0328
In: Polski przegląd dyplomatyczny, Band 3, Heft 6, S. 69-88
ISSN: 1642-4069
The purpose of this paper is to provide a political and legal analysis of the choice options, decisionmaking processes and negotiation strategies of political actors in dispute over the date of the presidential elections in Poland the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. Possible decisions are outlined in the form of a modified decision tree known from the decision theory, taking into account not only the options falling within the scope of individual actors' performance, but also scenarios triggered by specific choices and interdependent on the behavior of other actors (their cooperation or lack of cooperation). The descriptive-explanatory and predictive analysis is based on the assumptions of the public choice theory. The article also explains the legal determinants and boundaries of actions available to political actors ; Teisės fakultetas ; Vytauto Didžiojo universitetas
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The discussion about mutual relations between the media and politics in democracy is going on for years. One of the key issues in this debate is the impact of media on political choices and political part icipation of citizens. Last years we are observing signifi cant changes in the ways of presenting content by political actors, especially in the media. New media syst em ecology requires creativity both in political communication creating and analyzing it. One of the interest ing paradigm of this kind of analysis is gamifi cation. Th is article aims is to find out how gamifi cation elements are currently used in the practice of journalism and how the gamified schemes of political broadcast talk have the potential to st rengthen the democratic and civic purposes of journalism. The authors of this art icle are inclined to the idea that convergence between politics and popular culture can have also a positive effect for the implementation of democratic practices and civil society. And gamification creates an interest ing paradigm for underst anding political reality in terms of fun and entert ainment (according to the threat of tabloidization). Observing the dynamics of broadcast journalism it can be seen that even they can be analyzed in terms of gamifi cation mechanisms – the roles adopted by the journalist s and guest s are functional in the logic of the game. Th e prize (viewers' attention) is evident for both groups, and interactions run more oft en in ways that allow them to gain dominance and 'win' the interaction. Th e authors analyze the behavior of journalist s conducting the TV affairs programs through the scheme of roles taken in the game (according to Richard Bart le typology: achievers, explorers, socializers, killers). The test is made using quantitative and qualitative measures. ; TOMASZ Gackowski
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In: Studia Politologiczne, Band 2020, Heft 55, S. 170-190
The main purpose of the article is to present social engineering as a strategy of social management aimed at monopolizing political power. Social engineering strategies are based on the broad ambitions of steering systems and the long horizon of social changes planning. Social engineering here, is closer to culture engineering, socialization, indoctrination aimed not only at modifying the behavior of controlled systems, but above all at causing permanent changes in the structure of values, emotions, myths, archetypes, and stereotypes. The author presents the main levels, directions of social engineering strategies resulting in a monopoly of political power in areas of: communication, culture, socialization, influence and decision making.