Omnes et singulatim: por uma critica de "razao politica"
In: Novos Estudos CEBRAP, Heft 26, S. 77-99
In: Novos Estudos CEBRAP, Heft 26, S. 77-99
In: Dados: revista de ciências sociais, Band 36, Heft 3, S. 469-491
ISSN: 0011-5258
In: Dados: revista de ciências sociais, Band 34, Heft 3, S. 415-441
ISSN: 0011-5258
ABSTRACT Introduction: This article propose to connect two research agendas on political behavior: studies on political tolerance and research on partisanship. Search, by connecting these two agendas, to assess the extent to which parties have become targets of political intolerance and thereby to assess the intensity of negative attitudes towards this central institution of democracy. Studies on partisanship conflicts in Brazil have focused on the antagonism opposing petismo and antipetismo. However, the 2018 elections have shown that Brazilians also adopt other forms of antipartisanship. Changes in patterns of political and electoral behavior in recent years can only be properly understood if we consider variation over time in the intensity and scope of antipartisan sentiment. We propose a typology where antipartisanship may be moderate or radical and may have a narrower or broader target. This theme is significant not only for interpreting Brazil's current political context, but also for deepening understanding of theoretical and analytical questions. Our understanding is that these different types of antipartisanship are distinct phenomena with different effects. Materials and Methods: The data we use to construct the proposed typology and analyze the range and intensity of antipartisanship are derived from an unprecedented Latin America Public Opinion Project initiative to measure political tolerance in Brazil, in its 2017 edition. Our methodology combine variables of disaffection and political intolerance to construct different voter profiles, based on respondent's attitudes towards unpopular groups, including political parties. After constructing the typology, we propose regression models to estimate the effects of each type on several attitudes, like support to democracy and institutional trust. Results: Our findings show a relationship between the most extreme types of antipartisanship and attitudes towards democracy. Compared with non-antipartisan voters, intolerant antipartisan are less supportive of democracy and democratic institutions and less favorable to freedom of expression and the granting of political rights to minorities. The intensity of antipartisanship matters more than its scope, since the models show that, there is little difference in the degree of commitment to democracy and democratic principles between the two types of intolerant antipartisans, regardless of the scope of the target of their disapproval. This means that attitudes toward democracy, democratic institutions, and democratic principles depend less on the scope antipartisanship, than on political intolerance towards these groups. Discussion: The data and results presented here indicate that antipartisanship is not a one-dimensional phenomenon. The individual is not merely antipartisan or non-antipartisan. We show that antipartisanship contains at least two dimensions: its scope and intensity. Previous studies have already shown the existence of different expressions of antipartisanship, but this diversity has not yet been systematically explored using a well-defined typology. Our work points to this research agenda.KEYWORDS: antipartisanship; political tolerance; political attitudes; political parties; democracy.
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In: Dados: revista de ciências sociais, Band 44, Heft 2, S. 323-362
ISSN: 0011-5258
In: Contexto internacional: revista semestral do Instituto de Relações Internacionais, IRI, Pontíficia Universidade Católica, PUC, Band 31, Heft 3, S. 503-534
ISSN: 0102-8529
In: Dados: revista de ciências sociais, Band 45, Heft 1, S. 77-98
ISSN: 0011-5258
In: Revista brasileira de politica internacional, Band 3, Heft 5
ISSN: 0034-7329
The pol'al behavior (PB) of a little community in the valley of Sao Francisco in the State of Bahia, Brazil, was studied by the method of functional analysis. By referring to the distinction expressed by R. K. Merton between function (adaptation) & disfunction (inadaptation), the various manifestations of pol'al life were classified. The analysis revealed the presence of a conflict between 2 portions of the community, which might or might not be an adaptation to pol'al life. There remains to be determined the aspect of PB, functional or disfunctional, which exercises the greatest influence: concerning which res always poses a delicate methodological problem. It is apparent that inadaptation has a serious repercussion on adjustment, from which stems a certain frustration felt by the opposition; this, in turn, has repercussions in the tension of the entire community & threatens to bring about its dissolution. Tr by J. A. Broussard from IPSA.
In: Dados: revista de ciências sociais, Band 51, Heft 4, S. 983-1014
ISSN: 0011-5258
In: Revista brasileira de estudos politicos, Band 9, S. 213-233
ISSN: 0034-7191
The objective of this study was to present the validity and reliability evidences of a Brazilian scale to measure the political attitudes of Brazilian higher education students regarding their political behavior. The study had a nationwide sample (N = 445), with Brazilian students from different states. The results indicated a sustainable empirical structure (KMO = 0.81), with psychometric indicators considered adequate to the measurement of political attitudes. Three empirical factors were identified: degree of political knowledge (15 items, factorial loads between 0.31 and 0.82, alpha = 0.82, eigenvalue = 5.07 and explained variance = 18.78%), feelings about politics (7 items, factorial loads between 0.41 and 0.58, alpha = 0.72, eigenvalue = 3.17 and explained variance = 11.73%) and intentions of political behavior (2 items, factorial loads between 0, 70 and 0.72, alpha = 0.80, eigenvalue = 1.8 and explained variance = 6.8%). It is concluded that the results strengthen the original factorial structure of the scale and show its utility for the identification of social attitudes regarding political behaviors. ; El objetivo de la presente investigación fue presentar las pruebas de confiabilidad y validez de una escala brasileña para medir las actitudes políticas de los estudiantes universitarios brasileños ante su comportamiento político. El estudio contó con una muestra nacional (N = 445) de estudiantes brasileños de diferentes Estados. Los resultados indicaron una estructura empírica sustentable (KMO = .81), con indicadores psicométricos que se consideran adecuados para la medición de las actitudes políticas. Específicamente, se identificaron tres factores empíricos: nivel de conocimiento sobre la política (15 ítems, cargasfactoriales entre .31 y .82, alfa = .82,eigenvalue= 5.07 y varianza explicada = 18.78 %), sentimientos acerca de la política (7 ítems, factoriales de .41 y .58, alfa = .72,eigenvalue= 3.17 y varianza explicada = 11.73 %) e intenciones del comportamiento político (2 ítems, factoriales de .70 y .72, alfa = .80,eigenvalue= 1.8 y varianza explicada = 6.8 %). Se llegó a la conclusión de que los resultados apoyan la estructura factorial original de la escala y muestran su utilidad en la identificación de las actitudes sociales ante la conducta política. ; Objetivou-se apresentar as evidências de validade e confiabilidade de uma escala brasileira para medir atitudes políticas de estudantes brasileiros de nível superior ante seus comportamentos políticos. O estudo teve uma amostra de abrangência nacional (n = 445), com estudantes brasileiros oriundos de distintos estados. Os resultados indicaram uma estrutura empírica sustentável (teste de Kaiser-Meyer-Olkin ? kmo = 0,81), com indicadores psicométricos considerados adequados à mensuração das atitudes políticas. Três fatores empíricos foram identificados: grau de conhecimento sobre política (15 itens,cargas fatoriais entre 0,31 e 0,82, alfa = 0,82,eigenvalue= 5,07 e variância explicada = 18,78 %), afetos relativos à política (7 itens, cargas fatoriais entre 0,41 e 0,58, alfa= 0,72,eigenvalue= 3,17 e variância explicada = 11,73 %) e intenções de comportamento político (2 itens, cargas fatoriais entre 0,70 e 0,72, alfa = 0,80,eigenvalue= 1,8 e variância explicada = 6,8 %). Conclui-se que os resultados fortalecem a estrutura fatorial original da escala e mostram sua utilidade para a identificação de atitudes sociais ante comportamentos políticos.
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Consumers are gradually becoming more conscious of the strength of their consumption, expressing discontent and opinions and demanding improvements in organizations. Due to the extensive theoretical background, this article aims to compile research about political consumption through an integrative review on WOS and Scopus. At the end of the methodological procedures, 36 articles were obtained and analyzed with the content analysis technique. The results show that personal influences and motivations for political consumption are based on sociodemographic situation, political ideology, and internet use. This framework synthesized the phases of political consumption, the main actions, and the main actors involved. ; Los consumidores han ido tomando conciencia de la fortaleza de su consumo, en el sentido de expresar descontento, opiniones y exigir mejoras en el desempeño organizacional. Dado el amplio marco teórico sobre el tema, el objetivo de este artículo fue integrar la investigación sobre consumo político a través de una revisión integradora en WOS y Scopus. Al finalizar los procedimientos metodológicos se obtuvieron 36 artículos, los cuales fueron analizados mediante la técnica de análisis de contenido. Los resultados muestran que las influencias y motivaciones personales para el consumo político se basan en factores sociodemográficos, ideología política y uso de Internet. A través de un marco, se retrataron las fases del consumo político, las principales acciones y actores involucrados. ; Os consumidores, gradualmente, têm adquirido consciência sobre a força de seu consumo, no sentido de expressar descontentamentos, opiniões e reivindicar melhorias da atuação organizacional. Haja vista o extenso arcabouço teórico sobre o assunto, o objetivo deste artigo consistiu na integração das pesquisas de consumo político por meio de uma revisão integrativa nas bases de busca da WOS e Scopus. Ao final dos procedimentos metodológicos, obteve-se 36 artigos que foram analisados por meio da técnica da análise de conteúdo. Os resultados mostram que as influências pessoais e motivações para o consumo político encontram suas bases em fatores sociodemográficos, ideologia política e utilização da internet. Através de um framework sintetizou-se as fases do consumo político, as principais ações e atores envolvidos.
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In: Dados: revista de ciências sociais, Band 47, Heft 1, S. 131-168
ISSN: 0011-5258
In: Dados: revista de ciências sociais, Band 51, Heft 2, S. 403-432
ISSN: 0011-5258