Suchergebnisse

The poor performance of the political system in Romania, still marked by disaffection and pervasive corruption, may be shaped by the lack of control from the citizens. Much more responsible towards its electoral basis, the Romanian political system would be more legitimate. The political performance and legitimacy would in turn make citizens more satisfied and eager to defend democratic values. The happy circle of civic control, responsivness, satisfaction and political performance may be started somehow. The research paper is an attempt to evaluate political culture in urban Romania as a source of political legitimacy and performance. We focus on the civic culture, this special association of knowledge and feelings about the political system that settle citizens to political communication, partisanship, social cooperation, political competence and, in the end, political action. By analysing survey data, we outline a meager civic culture in Romania, but also the hope for a future civic competence.

Representing democracy in the 19th century Romanian political discourse means, first of all, to focus the analysis on the implications the concept of democracy could provide. In the after 1848 revolution period, and especially after 1866, the concept of Romanian democracy and its place within political discourse are conditioned by philosophical and historiographical discontinuities between the periods, the intellectual sources, the political and institutional framework of that time. In those senses, democracy should be regarded as a fundamental concept to political and institutional development in the last three decades of 19th century. The present article goes on this path, analysing some examples of political discourse during the make-up of the fundamental democratic institutions in the Romanian modernity.

"When the Royal Academy of Letters celebrated its 250th anniversary in 2003, one of the events was a symposium in Stockholm entitled 'Media and Political Culture in the Eighteenth Century'. The present volume includes the contributions of the four keynote lecturers, John Brewer, Robert Darnton, Carla Hesse and Jean Sgard." (Vordere Klappe des losen Schutzumschlags sowie https://vitterhetsakad.bokorder.se/en-US/article/127/media-and-political-culture-in-the-eighteenth, Zugriff am 08.04.2022)

International audience ; From a feminist perspective, language is a primary space within gender happens. As such, language is a site of struggle and negotiation. Feminist interventions therefore take place in language (e.g. through feminisation practices). However, beyond these linguistic interventions, language is unceasingly commented, discussed, analysed in feminist circles. Focusing on what feminists say about language sheds thus light on some metadiscourses extremely political. In this paper, I provide a description of metalinguistic practices of gender within the anarchist culture, based on a corpus analysis, as well as a political analysis of some tendencies of contemporary anarchism and feminism. The study seeks to show that anarchism and feminism are cultures of discourses, understanding discourse as a place of power. I argue that some tendencies of anarchism, feminism and rhetoric shares an epistemological complicity through an understanding of discourse and society as heterogeneous (vs. systemic), and semiotic, and an understanding of the discursive production of knowledge in the lenses of power relationships ; Le féminisme a depuis longtemps identifié la langue comme un lieu primordial de la fabrique du genre, et donc comme un lieu de lutte. La langue est ainsi non seulement le théâtre d'interventions politiques féministes, mais également un objet de discussion récurrent. En s'intéressant à ce que des féministes disent de leur action sur la langue, on voit apparaître des métadiscours à motifs politiques. Dans cet article, je me pencherai sur certains des métadiscours du genre que l'on trouve dans la culture politique anarchiste. À partir de l'observation de ces pratiques, je propose de comprendre anarchisme et féminisme comme des cultures du discours, c'est-à-dire articulées autour d'une lecture du discours comme espace de pouvoir. Cet article défend l'idée qu'anarchisme, féminisme et rhétorique partagent une complicité épistémologique en ce que tous trois, dans certaines de leurs tendances, ...

International audience ; From a feminist perspective, language is a primary space within gender happens. As such, language is a site of struggle and negotiation. Feminist interventions therefore take place in language (e.g. through feminisation practices). However, beyond these linguistic interventions, language is unceasingly commented, discussed, analysed in feminist circles. Focusing on what feminists say about language sheds thus light on some metadiscourses extremely political. In this paper, I provide a description of metalinguistic practices of gender within the anarchist culture, based on a corpus analysis, as well as a political analysis of some tendencies of contemporary anarchism and feminism. The study seeks to show that anarchism and feminism are cultures of discourses, understanding discourse as a place of power. I argue that some tendencies of anarchism, feminism and rhetoric shares an epistemological complicity through an understanding of discourse and society as heterogeneous (vs. systemic), and semiotic, and an understanding of the discursive production of knowledge in the lenses of power relationships ; Le féminisme a depuis longtemps identifié la langue comme un lieu primordial de la fabrique du genre, et donc comme un lieu de lutte. La langue est ainsi non seulement le théâtre d'interventions politiques féministes, mais également un objet de discussion récurrent. En s'intéressant à ce que des féministes disent de leur action sur la langue, on voit apparaître des métadiscours à motifs politiques. Dans cet article, je me pencherai sur certains des métadiscours du genre que l'on trouve dans la culture politique anarchiste. À partir de l'observation de ces pratiques, je propose de comprendre anarchisme et féminisme comme des cultures du discours, c'est-à-dire articulées autour d'une lecture du discours comme espace de pouvoir. Cet article défend l'idée qu'anarchisme, féminisme et rhétorique partagent une complicité épistémologique en ce que tous trois, dans certaines de leurs tendances, ...

International audience ; From a feminist perspective, language is a primary space within gender happens. As such, language is a site of struggle and negotiation. Feminist interventions therefore take place in language (e.g. through feminisation practices). However, beyond these linguistic interventions, language is unceasingly commented, discussed, analysed in feminist circles. Focusing on what feminists say about language sheds thus light on some metadiscourses extremely political. In this paper, I provide a description of metalinguistic practices of gender within the anarchist culture, based on a corpus analysis, as well as a political analysis of some tendencies of contemporary anarchism and feminism. The study seeks to show that anarchism and feminism are cultures of discourses, understanding discourse as a place of power. I argue that some tendencies of anarchism, feminism and rhetoric shares an epistemological complicity through an understanding of discourse and society as heterogeneous (vs. systemic), and semiotic, and an understanding of the discursive production of knowledge in the lenses of power relationships ; Le féminisme a depuis longtemps identifié la langue comme un lieu primordial de la fabrique du genre, et donc comme un lieu de lutte. La langue est ainsi non seulement le théâtre d'interventions politiques féministes, mais également un objet de discussion récurrent. En s'intéressant à ce que des féministes disent de leur action sur la langue, on voit apparaître des métadiscours à motifs politiques. Dans cet article, je me pencherai sur certains des métadiscours du genre que l'on trouve dans la culture politique anarchiste. À partir de l'observation de ces pratiques, je propose de comprendre anarchisme et féminisme comme des cultures du discours, c'est-à-dire articulées autour d'une lecture du discours comme espace de pouvoir. Cet article défend l'idée qu'anarchisme, féminisme et rhétorique partagent une complicité épistémologique en ce que tous trois, dans certaines de leurs tendances, ...

International audience ; From a feminist perspective, language is a primary space within gender happens. As such, language is a site of struggle and negotiation. Feminist interventions therefore take place in language (e.g. through feminisation practices). However, beyond these linguistic interventions, language is unceasingly commented, discussed, analysed in feminist circles. Focusing on what feminists say about language sheds thus light on some metadiscourses extremely political. In this paper, I provide a description of metalinguistic practices of gender within the anarchist culture, based on a corpus analysis, as well as a political analysis of some tendencies of contemporary anarchism and feminism. The study seeks to show that anarchism and feminism are cultures of discourses, understanding discourse as a place of power. I argue that some tendencies of anarchism, feminism and rhetoric shares an epistemological complicity through an understanding of discourse and society as heterogeneous (vs. systemic), and semiotic, and an understanding of the discursive production of knowledge in the lenses of power relationships ; Le féminisme a depuis longtemps identifié la langue comme un lieu primordial de la fabrique du genre, et donc comme un lieu de lutte. La langue est ainsi non seulement le théâtre d'interventions politiques féministes, mais également un objet de discussion récurrent. En s'intéressant à ce que des féministes disent de leur action sur la langue, on voit apparaître des métadiscours à motifs politiques. Dans cet article, je me pencherai sur certains des métadiscours du genre que l'on trouve dans la culture politique anarchiste. À partir de l'observation de ces pratiques, je propose de comprendre anarchisme et féminisme comme des cultures du discours, c'est-à-dire articulées autour d'une lecture du discours comme espace de pouvoir. Cet article défend l'idée qu'anarchisme, féminisme et rhétorique partagent une complicité épistémologique en ce que tous trois, dans certaines de leurs tendances, ...

This article traces the origins of Alberta political culture to an unlikely source: the federal government's immigration marketing posters from the early-twentieth century. Through a qualitative document analysis of the "Last Best West" campaign, the findings reveal how the Government of Canada helped cultivate values of settler colonialism, populism, individualism, frontier masculinity, and moral traditionalism among the settler population. The article closes with a discussion of how these values continue to influence Alberta politics today.

This work aims at understanding why and how Tuareg rebellions in Niger form, last and reappear although they have proven only marginally efficient at reaching their political goals. The analysis of the mobilizations is based on a sociohistorical approach, which shows their trends in the long-term and allows us to reconsider the start factors of the most recent movements. One can see a porosity appear between times of war and peace, which allows the Rebel to retain his status and lets the rebellion evolve under the influence of both outsiders and the political creativity of its actors. Beyond the conflict's timeframe, a cultural repertoire has developed, that might be defined as a political culture. I show first that since their first encounter with the French the Tuaregs have had a history of resistance included in a political frame much more complex than usually described. This history has also contributed to establish a representation of the combatant. Then one will see that those processes find a realization in the rebellion of the 1990's. By mobilizing combatants with very diverse backgrounds, this rebellion has built a sustainable influence after the peace agreements. Lastly, the rebellion and the rebels as political actors last as a political culture reinforced by the voices of the diaspora as well as the Western World, through a highly productive mirror effect. This work favors an approach "from below", putting the rebels at the center of the analysis. Beyond the case of Niger, this approach criticizes the one-dimensional analysis that dominates academic research as well as the institutions of economic development. ; Cette thèse a pour but de comprendre pourquoi et comment les rébellions touarègues du Niger se forment, se pérennisent et réapparaissent malgré une efficacité marginale dans l'accomplissement de leurs buts politiques. L'analyse des mobilisations est fondée sur une approche sociohistorique qui en montre les tendances longues et permet de resituer les facteurs de déclenchement des mouvements ...