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The authors discuss the significance of anthropological concepts in the analysis of political culture as carried out in both applied and theoretical studies of current political communications in transitional political processes. Drawing on a history of methodological and theoretical debates in political science and anthropology, the authors examine methodological issues of studying discourses of political memory as a symbolic representation of socio-cultural specifics of temporal dimensions of a given political culture. They emphasize the importance of describing and theoretically analyzing the role of political myths and symbols present in political memory in transition societies and point out that analysis of political myths as a symbiotic mechanism (or as a source of reproducing and delineating 'political passions') closely connected with symbolic practices of coercion highlights the role of culture in variability of political transition processes. They argue that a focus on political culture as a historically specific form of social memory allows one to examine differences in models of political culture within structures and practices of everyday life. Using an anthropologically oriented political analysis as a theoretical basis, the authors suggest a new theoretical approach to the study of contemporary political communications and argue for a need to develop new strategies of research of political culture in sociology and political science.

As a new concept in the research of political party, political culture has its unique content, function and characteristics, which are different from any other culture organizations. It confines and influences the existence, development and realization degree of political democracy (refers to democracy inside political parties in particular). The essay analyzes how traditional political cultures enhanced and hindered political democracy and proposes to construct a new political culture that features openness, democracy, law, weakening ideology, and web-relationship to promote the development and realization of political democracy. The essay also points out that such a construction of political culture should be approached from the establishment of Political Parties Act, the revolution of traditional pyramid organization and rights organization, the establishment of democratic systems and programs inside political parties and the cultivation of democratic spirits. Key words: political culture, political democracy, realization approaches Résumé: La culture de parti, un nouveau concept dans les recherches de parti, revêt des connotations, fonctions et caractéristiques différentes des autres cultures organisationnelles. Elle conditionne l'existence, le développement et le niveau de réalisation de la démocratie de parti( on se réfère particulièrement à la démocratie intérieure du parti ). Le présent article analyse les rôles positifs et négatifs de la culture de parti traditionnelle sur la démocratie de parti et propose de construire, sous les angles de la création de la « Loi de parti », la réforme de la structure organisationnelle traditionnelle en pyramide et de la structure de pouvoir, l'établissement du système démocratique du parti et de son processus, la formation de l'esprit démocratique, une nouvelle culture de parti caractérisée par l'ouverture, la démocratie, la gérance selon la loi, l'affaiblissement idéologique et la relation en réseau dans le but de promouvoir le développement et la réalisation de la démocratie de parti. Mots-clés: culture de parti, démocratie de parti, moyen de réalisation 摘要:政黨文化作為政黨研究中一個新概念,具有不同于其他組織文化的內涵、功能和特點。它制約和影響著政黨民主(特指政黨內部民主)的存在、發展和實現程度。文章分析傳統政黨文化對政黨民主的促進和阻礙,提出從《政黨法》的創建,傳統金字塔型組織結構、權力結構的變革,政黨內部民主制度及程式的建立,民主精神的培育等方面入手,構建以開放,民主、法治、意識形態弱化、網路狀關係為特徵的新型政黨文化,以促進政黨民主的發展和實現。 關鍵詞:政黨文化;政黨民主;實現途徑

AbstractThis article draws on an emerging comparative literature indicating the significant effects that political systems can have on the deployment of penal power, and the ways they condition responses to crime and to criminal offenders. It explores two political‐cultural mechanisms that help account for variations in levels of punitiveness between countries. These mechanisms – called here as the insulation and autonomy effect and the populism disincentive effect– are embedded in jurisdiction‐specific political cultures and the structures that sustain them.

In "A Culturalist Theory of Political Change" in the September 1988 issue of this Review, Harry Eckstein argued that "a cogent, potentially powerful theory of political change can be derived from culturalist premises." But Herbert Werlin finds Eckstein's effort to accommodate culture theory to political change unsatisfactory. Werlin argues that politics in the sense of political engineering, rather than cultural changes, mainly accounts for transformations in political life. Eckstein responds, arguing that the political methods for inducing change are themselves culturally conditioned.

Structural and functional features of politics and political space are determined by value and normatively oriented dimensions. Political interests and goals are reflected in certain values and orientations that create a functional model of political life. Such a model of political life is called a political system, which is a space of its own institutional and value orientation. Structural and functional features of politics and political space are determined by value and normatively oriented dimensions