Tutkimus eriytymisestä organisation rakenne-, viestintä- ja päätöksentekojärjestelmissä - Study of differentiation within the structure, communication and decision making systems of the organization
In: Helsingin Kauppakorekeakoulun Julkaisuja B-12
In: Helsingin Kauppakorekeakoulun Julkaisuja B-12
In: Helsingin Kauppakorkeakoulun julkaisuja B-64
The focus of this research is on Finland's role in Soviet Union's calculation of its foreign policy between 1920 and 1930. This was the first decade of both Finnish independence and of Soviet power in Russia. This book answers questions about the objectives of Soviet foreign policy in Finland, on the contacts used by the Soviet legation to obtain information, and on how well the Soviets understood Finland's objectives. People interested in Finland and in Russian perspectives with regards to foreign policy and neighbouring countries will find much new in this book because it relies on formerly unpublished Russian archival material to form the basis for charting Soviet objectives in Finland. The book shows that the Soviets primarily observed Finland in a larger regional context along with other states on its borders in the Baltic Sea region. The global objectives of the revolution and the Soviet Union, but also the domestic political situation in both countries, are reflected on this framework. The period was characterized by forced collectivization in the Soviet Union and, in Finland, by the rise of the right-wing Lapua Movement that emerged at the onset of the Great Depression, laying the foundations for the most severe crisis in the relations during 1929–1930 when the issues surrounding these events destabilized simultaneously the society and political decision-making in both countries
In: Historiallisia Tutkimuksia
The focus of this research is on Finland's role in Soviet Union's calculation of its foreign policy between 1920 and 1930. This was the first decade of both Finnish independence and of Soviet power in Russia. This book answers questions about the objectives of Soviet foreign policy in Finland, on the contacts used by the Soviet legation to obtain information, and on how well the Soviets understood Finland's objectives. People interested in Finland and in Russian perspectives with regards to foreign policy and neighbouring countries will find much new in this book because it relies on formerly unpublished Russian archival material to form the basis for charting Soviet objectives in Finland. The book shows that the Soviets primarily observed Finland in a larger regional context along with other states on its borders in the Baltic Sea region. The global objectives of the revolution and the Soviet Union, but also the domestic political situation in both countries, are reflected on this framework. The period was characterized by forced collectivization in the Soviet Union and, in Finland, by the rise of the right-wing Lapua Movement that emerged at the onset of the Great Depression, laying the foundations for the most severe crisis in the relations during 1929–1930 when the issues surrounding these events destabilized simultaneously the society and political decision-making in both countries.
In: Nijhoff eBook titles
Preliminary Material /Asbjørn Eide , Jakob Th. Möller and Ineta Ziemele -- The Right to Peace Milestones in the Development of International Humanitarian Law /Daniel Thürer -- Post-War American International Law Scepticism: The International Criminal Court, Stockholm 1924 /Mark Weston Janis -- Peace as a Human Right: The Jus Cogens Prohibition of Aggression /Alfred de Zayas -- The Human Right to Peace /William A. Schabas -- Security and Human Rights in the Regulation of Private Military Companies: The Role of the Home State /Francesco Francioni -- The United Nations and Human Rights What Makes Democracy Good? /Lyal S. Sunga -- Is the United Nations Human Rights Council Living Up to the International Community's Expectations? /Markus G. Schmidt -- The UN Human Rights Council: The Perennial Struggle between Realism and Idealism /Bertrand G. Ramcharan -- Eight UN Petitions Procedures: A Comparative Analysis /Jakob Th. Möller -- The Legal Status of Views Adopted by the Human Rights Committee – From Genesis to Adoption of General Comment No. 33 /Geir Ulfstein -- Winter Break 2010: A Week in the Life of a Special Rapporteur /Martin Scheinin -- Legal and Judicial Shortcomings of the Surrogate State of "UNMIKISTAN" /Margrét Heinreksdóttir -- The Right to Inclusive Education for Children with Disabilities – Innovations in the CRPD /Arnardóttir Arnardóttir -- Human Rights at the Regional Level The Council of Europe: A Champion in Monitoring Implementation of Human Rights Standards? /Petter F. Wille -- Flexibilising the Modes of Amending the European Convention on Human Rights: An Idea for a 'Statute' for the European Court /Krzysztof Drzewicki -- Strengthening of the Principle of Subsidiarity of the European Convention on Human Rights /Björg Thorarensen -- Presumption of Convention Compliance /Davíð Þór Björgvinsson -- The Right to Adequate Judicial Reasoning /Ragnar Aðalsteinsson -- Dialogue Between States and International Human Rights Monitoring Organs – Especially the European Commission Against Racism and Intolerance /Lauri Hannikainen -- How Old Are You? Age Discrimination and EU Law /Allan Rosas -- NHRIs in the European Union: Status Quo Vadis? /Morten Kjærum and Jonas Grimheden -- Selected Examples of the Contemporary Practice of the Inter-American System in Confronting Grave Violations of Human Rights: United States and Colombia /Diego Rodríguez-Pinzón -- Indigenous Peoples and Minorities Prevention of Discrimination, Protection of Minorities, and the Rights of Indigenous Peoples: Challenges and Choices /Asbjørn Eide -- Minority Protection in the African System of Human Rights /Michelo Hansungule -- Indigenous Peoples on the International Scene: A Personal Reminiscence /Lee Swepston -- Indigenous Peoples and the Right to Development /Rainer Hofmann and Juri Alistair Gauthier -- Principal Problems Regarding Indigenous Land Rights and Recent Endeavours to Resolve Them /Erica-Irene A. Daes -- Traditional Knowledge of Indigenous Peoples: Preserve or Protect? – That's the Question! /Mpazi Sinjela -- Redefining Sovereignty and Self-Determination through a Declaration of Sovereignty: The Inuit Way of Defining the Parameters for Future Arctic Governance /Timo Koivurova.
This book [Mediatized power and the return of the political] describes Finnish decision-makers' relationship with the media. It is based on surveys in 2009 and 2019. In 2009 there were 419 and in 2019 484 respondents, all of them having an influential position in some of the eight societal sectors covered in the study. The results show a moderate change from a consensus-oriented and networking decision-making culture towards a more ideologic and power-based way of negotiating. However, it seems that this has not affected how open or transparent the negotiation-processes are or how prone the decision-makers are to leak confidential information. The decision-makers' relationship with media publicity has become more professional and strategic. The results point to an increased role of social media in communications management while the role of the news media seems to be diminishing. Even though the decision-makers view publicity as an even more risky and strategic arena of political struggle than they did before, they also seem now acknowledge more clearly the rational aspects of journalism. The self-reported role of media publicity as a source of personal authority has somewhat diminished while there seems to be no change in how prone the decision-makers think they are for the impacts of media publicity.
In: Julkaisusarja
In: 1, Strategian laitos n:o 16
In: Natural resources and bioeconomy studies 2016, 6
In: Nykytaiteen Museon julkaisuja 98
In: Proceedings of the University of Vaasa
In: Discussion papers 255
Tämän laadullisen tutkimuksen tarkoituksena on kuvailla terveydenhuollon lähiesimiesten kokemuksia ennakoivasta päätöksentekosta työssään. Ennakointi on tärkeää ja ilman sitä työn suunnittelu on haastavaa. Ennakoiva päätöksenteko on lähiesimiehelle tärkeä työkalu toimintaa suunnitellessa. Aineistona käytettiin kirjallisuuskatsausta ja kymmenen (n=10) lähiesimiehen haastattelua. Haastattelujen analyysi tehtiin sisällönanalyysin avulla. Tutkimustehtävä oli seuraava: Minkälaisia mahdollisuuksia terveydenhuollon lähiesimiehillä on ennakoivaan päätöksentekoon työssään? Tutkimuksessa tuli esille ennakoinnin tärkeys lähiesimiehen työssä. Ennakointi on arkipäivää. Kun muutoksia tulee paljon ja nopeassa aikataulussa, lähiesimieheltä vaaditaan kykyä reagoida muutoksiin nopeasti. Mahdollisuudet ennakoivaan päätöksentekoon ovat pääsääntöisesti hyvät. Lähiesimiehellä on paras tieto oman yksikkönsä vahvuuksista ja heikkouksista ja näitä tietoja hän pystyy hyödyntämään ennakoinnissa. Oman esimiehen antama tuki vaikuttaa suuresti ennakoivaan päätöksentekoon. Jos yhteistyö oman esimiehen kanssa toimii huonosti, päätöksentekomahdollisuudet koetaan heikkoina. Hyvä yhteistyö oman esimiehen kanssa puolestaan helpottaa ennakoivaa päätöksentekoa. Myös kollegiaalinen tuki ja moniammatillinen yhteistyö koetaan ensiarvoisen tärkeäksi työssä. Ilman näitä ennakoiva päätöksenteko on hankalaa ja työhyvinvointi heikkenee. Haasteena lähiesimiehet kokevat heikon tuensaannin omalta esimieheltä, arvoristiriidat, henkilökunnan odotukset ja suuren työmäärän. Tutkimustuloksia voidaan hyödyntää yhteistyön kehittämisessä ja ne voivat nostaa lähiesimiehen työn arvostusta. ; This qualitative study focuses on immediate superiors' experiences of applying anticipatory decision making in healthcare. Anticipatory decision making in superior's work is important. Without it, planning the work would be challenging. It can be considered as an important tool for the immediate superior when planning the course of actions. The material consisted of a literature review and ten (n=10) interviews with immediate supervisors. Content analysis was applied to examine the interviews. The research question was as follows: How are immediate superiors in healthcare able to apply anticipatory decision making in their work? The study pointed out the importance of anticipation in the work of one's closest superior. It is part of everyday routines. In general, the possibilities of applying anticipatory decision making are good. A great number of changes emerge with a tight schedule and thus, the immediate superior must be able to react quickly to them. The immediate superior has the best knowledge of the strengths and weaknesses of his/her unit, and this knowledge can be utilized in anticipatory action. Getting support from one's own superior has a great influence on decision making. If the level of cooperation with one's superior is not good, possibilities to make anticipatory decisions are weak. On the contrary, good cooperation makes anticipatory decision making easier. In addition, collegial support and multiprofessional collaboration are deemed important in work. Without these, anticipatory decision making is cumbersome and wellbeing at work declines. On the other hand, weak support from one's own superior, value conflicts, personnel's expectations and extensive work loads are considered as challenges. The results of the thesis may be used to advance collaboration and to increase the status of the work of immediate superiors.
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Väitöstutkimus analysoi julkisia poliittisia performansseja poliittisena viestintänä. Poliittiset performanssit voidaan ymmärtää julkisissa tiloissa toimeen pantuina 'näytöksinä', joiden tavoitteena on luoda arkisiin rutiineihin yllättäviä katkoksia ja synnyttää uutta toimintatilaa jonkin yhteiskunnallisen ongelman esiin nostamiseksi. Performanssit synnyttävät katkoksia monin tavoin, mutta erityisen leimallista niille on näkyvän, vallalla olevan visuaalisen järjestyksen murtaminen tuomalla siihen erilaisia 'häiritseviä' (disruptive) elementtejä: resistoivia kehoja, valtaa parodioivia kuvia, karnevalistista protestointia, katuteatteria jne. Poliittisten performanssien viestintä perustuu puheen sijaan tai ohella toimijoiden oman kehon ja sen kantamien erilaisten visuaalisten merkkien julkiseen esittämiseen, joskus hyvin äärimmäisellä tavalla, kuten esimerkiksi nälkälakoissa ja polttoitsemurhissa. Väitöskirjassa tällaista viestintätyyliä kutsutaan visuaaliseksi ja esteettiseksi politikoinniksi. Tutkimuksessa analysoidaan useita esimerkkejä performatiivisesta poliittisesta viestinnästä ja kehitetään teoreettisia ideoita sen ominaispiirteiden tulkitsemiseksi. ; In this doctoral thesis I study a phenomenon which I have titled as public political performance. By public political performance I refer to a public event (a 'show', display, demonstration) the purpose of which is to expose in public and challenge those social-political norms, practices, and relations of power which usually remain invisible in the sway of routine political life. I am interested especially in how performance works as a form of non-linguistic, or wider than linguistic, political communication. I theorize and analyze, through several illustrative examples, performances from three perspectives: as corporeal (bodily), visual, and aesthetic communication. In construction of theory I use and partly rework ideas from thinkers such as Jürgen Habermas, Michel Foucault, Hannah Arendt, Maurice Merleau-Ponty, and Jacques Ranciere. The study shows that public political performance is a sensitive, even volatile phenomenon because it often manifestly exposes the fundamentally violent power structure of society – as when, for example, street demonstrations induce strong counter reactions from the police and political authorities – and puts this order under critical public scrutiny. Political authorities do not take such challenges lightly, which is why public performances sometimes instigate serious political controversies. The key theoretical ideas of the study relate to performance as something done and en/acted. On the one hand, performance discloses the nature of politics as a 'doing.' This means in simple terms that, in order to subsist, the political world needs to be done, performed, and 'iterated,' every time anew. The term performative describes this social-constructivist side of politics. That the constitution of the social and political power is based not on any 'natural' ground but on continuous re/iteration of certain ways and routines is often revealed only when it is visibly and noticeably disrupted. This is what political performance typically does. On the other hand, performance signifies a particular kind of public show which resembles but does not equal theatrical shows. Performance is theatrical in being an 'art-like' communicative act, yet it is more surprising and unpredictable compared to regular theatre and, because of this, usually more difficult to approach and interpret. Political performance as a contingent and sometimes oddly appearing public event with a surprise effect brings forth the importance of disruption for politics. It alerts us to situations where the normalized political performatives are being visibly questioned by bringing into public space – 'in your face' – diverse disrupting elements like resisting bodies, parodying images, and carnevalism. The relationship between these two, performatives and performances, creates an edgy and 'chiasmatic' political space from which much of political life gains its driving force. This basic idea and relationship constitute the key starting point for this study's theoretical reflections. Political performance is an important subject for political studies for several reasons. The purely knowledge-based reason is that that in directing attention to the corporeal and visual aspects of politics and political communication, performance brings into view phenomena and conceptual possibilities which are too often ignored by political researchers and theorists. The relevance of performance for the field can also be justified from another perspective, through reference to its political and democratic significance. The discussions and analyses carried out in the study show that there are political circumstances where citizens see public performance as the only available means of participation in political communication, with other channels of communication forbidden or marginalized. There are also situations where citizens create, through setting up a performance, space for public communication and action where it has not existed before. Political performance as a way of contesting existing political realities can therefore have special value for political freedom. Political and democratic theory needs to understand, I shall argue, also that category of political action which performs political freedom rather than asks for it.
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