Suchergebnisse

This research attempts to analyze the reason or consideration of Indonesian government to not ratify Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC) yet, in political economy analysis comprises interest of many actors, limitations of capacity of state, the influence of ratification towards Indonesian tobacco trade, FCTC implementation among the Parties, and projection of Indonesia's possibility to comply with this regulation. FCTC has a number of instruments in tobacco control which was arranged by World Health Organization since 1999. This research become necessary due to Indonesia as only one a country in Asia which have not ratified yet, whereas Indonesia has been the fifth biggest of tobacco consumer in the world. It is a qualitative research, where data were collected through interview technique to the certain sources, and other supporting data from books and publication document. It has been analyzed using Chayes concept about compliance and non-compliance with international regulatory agreement consist of ambiguity and lack of capacity, interests, norms, and efficiency. In observing this issue, we can clarify that different interests of actors have become major consideration of Indonesian government to not comply with this convention regarding on the differences priority within ministry, the existence of business actors to influence the decision maker, employment, tobacco farmers, and social cultural aspects. In the forthcoming, there is a possibility that Indonesia will ratify FCTC due to Tobacco Roadmap which is arranged by Ministry of Industry of Indonesia in long-term planning assert that health aspect will be the main priority more than state revenues and employment. In addition, there are a lot of regencies and cities in Indonesia which have been implementing tobacco control regulation. This research, eventually, is expected to provide input analysis to the government in accordance with FCTC.

Since the New Order era mining policy is strongly tended to be political for the fact that this sector is highly promising. The case on Clear and Clean mechanism was full of potency on rent-seeking with the modus of various regulation misuse. Every spot of rent-seeking in this case has provided different opportunity of manipulation. The Clear and Clean case also shown about the strength of central government against local government. The local government was considered as the party that resembles the business owner so it was their duty to save the asset. The strength of patron-client in clear and clean policy was mainly proven by the fact of the appearance of Individual triangle alliance as a broker. This also explained that woman and paranormal as third person was strongly very influential in lobbying between the interest business owners and bureucrates. The result of research also reconfirmed about the strength of patron-client model. This model was indicated by the existance of strength informal actors that penetrated the environment of formal bureaucracy. Strength of those informal actors was the main key of access business owner in the rent-seeking network and circle in different spots.

Food security become very important as food crisis occurred in 2008. Under the administration of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono in 2009 to 2014, the crisis due to increase in population in Indonesia encourages increase in food demand. However, to fulfill Indonesia's food demand it still depends on the availability from international market. This research aims to analyze why countries like Indonesia dependent on international markets for food security aspect despite having the capability to achieve fulfillment on food. To analyze the reasons, the concepts of comparative advantage, dependency, and national capabilities will be use to analyze the factors on why nations depend on international market to achieve its food security. Accompanied by a comparison between Indonesia with Vietnam, Malaysia, and United States to see the similarities and differences to achieved food security in the international market. With qualitative research methods and comparison focus on explanative research also using literature studies in data collection. The results of this study finds that Indonesia dependence are influenced by comparative advantage policy of other countries which in this case are Vietnam and Malaysia, the international market system that encourages dependency, and Indonesia inability to maximizing its national capability compared to United States. Keywords: dependency, comparative advantage, national capabilities, Indonesia, food security.

This study considers the political aspects of the Joko Widodo government's megaproject to build an integrated marine logistic system known as the tol laut. Expanding the existing literature which gives details about the contextual obstacles faced by and the prospects for the Indonesian government to pursue its infrastructure ambitions, the study argues that notwithstanding the relevance of the tol laut for advancing the Indonesian economy, it is inevitably entangled with dynamic internal and external environments which can unfavourably distort the construction processes. This is the way of understanding the political economy of Indonesia's development issues which allows for the juxtaposition of domestic political and international relations factors as its framework of analysis. The discussion is divided into four sections. Section one explains the conceptual and methodological foundation of the study. Section two outlines the importance of the tol laut to Indonesian national economic development. Section three looks at how the current domestic political settings pose structural hurdles to Widodo's tol laut, and section four observes the effect of international relations of powerful regional actors and Jakarta's diplomatic capacity to the on-going tol laut. The concluding section summarizes the findings of the study.

This paper describes the ineffectiveness of South Korea's confidence-building measures towards North Korea during the reign of Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun through the sunshine policy. The previous studies on the sunshine policy only discussed the efforts made by the South Korean government through the sunshine policy and America's influence on the implementation in general. The studies are divided into three major categories namely: domestic politics, political economy, and regional studies, but none has discussed the causes of the ineffectiveness of the sunshine policy. By using confidence-building measures as an analytical framework, this paper will explain the variables in confidence-building measures that cause sunshine policies to be ineffective. The main argument of this paper is that there are 2 factors that cause the sunshine policy to be ineffective, namely the influence of America and the absence of political will from North Korea to achieve the goal of confidence-building measures through sunshine policy.

This study aims to determine and explore how Islam and Malay as an intertwined entity influence the formation of political institutions in the Sultanate of Palembang, especially influencing the appointment and succession of the Sultan. This study is the result of qualitative research based on a literature review using interpretive analysis techniques. In the practice of Islam in Indonesia, cultural values of non-Islamic religions are maintained and practiced by Islamic entities such as practices in the replacement of the King and Sultan. A theoretical approach to society by looking at the evolution of kings approached to explain the history of state administration and the transition of power, combined with Elite; Political Culture, and Cultural Politics. The results of this study found that the system of appointment and change of power in the Sultanate of Palembang, namely the existence of its characteristics associated with a blend of Malay and Javanese culture. Differences in political culture greatly influence the process of succession that occurs. Malay culture which emphasizes more on its economy in the maritime field and Arabic symbols will be different from Javanese culture which is more agrarian and syncretic. ; Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui dan mengeksplorasi bagaimana Islam dan Melayu sebagai entitas yang saling terkait mempengaruhi pembentukan lembaga-lembaga politik di Kesultanan Palembang, terutama yang mempengaruhi pengangkatan dan suksesi Sultan. Penelitian ini adalah hasil penelitian kualitatif berdasarkan tinjauan literatur menggunakan teknik analisis interpretatif. Dalam praktik Islam di Indonesia, nilai-nilai budaya agama-agama non-Islam dipertahankan dan dipraktikkan oleh entitas Islam seperti praktik-praktik pergantian Raja dan Sultan. Melalui pendekatan teoretis tentang masyarakat sosial dengan melihat evolusi raja-raja yang dijadikan pendekatan untuk menjelaskan sejarah ketatanegaraan dan peralihan kekuasaan, dipadukan dengan Elite; Political Culture, dan Cultural Politics. Hasil penelitian ini menemukan bahwa sistem pengangkatan dan pergantian kekuasaan di Kesultanan Palembang, yaitu adanya karakteristik yang terkait dengan perpaduan budaya Melayu dan Jawa. Perbedaan budaya politik sangat mempengaruhi proses suksesi yang terjadi. Budaya Melayu yang lebih menekankan pada perekonomian di bidang maritim dan simbol-simbol Arab akan berbeda dengan budaya Jawa yang lebih agraris dan sinkretis.

This study aims to determine the background of Indonesia and Ethiopia conducting trade cooperation which has implications on diplomatic relations between Indonesia and Ethiopia. This study used a qualitative approach, which uses secondary and primary data, where the method of analysis is descriptive analysis. This study uses an analytical framework based on the concept: international trade, national interests and economic diplomacy, and international political economy.The results of this study indicate that the relationship between the political economy of Indonesia and Ethiopia is very closely where this is done through an economic diplomacy. The Economic Diplomacy of Indonesia and Ethiopia is very influential on the development of trade between Indonesia and Ethiopia. In fact, Politics between Indonesia and Ethiopia are only as a political representative, because the driving force of politics between Indonesia and Ethiopia is the economic diplomacy. The motor is the one who makes us move and makes the relationship between Indonesia and Ethiopia are dynamic and increasingly tight.Through economic diplomacy Indonesia and Ethiopia endeavor to establish and improve the bilateral relations that already exist more clearly, planned, systematic and focused to stabilize the diplomatic relations between the two countries and enhancing cooperation in the conducive situation that will produce the pattern and structure of regional security that is based on the economic motives together.

Poverty reduction has been the top priority of the Indonesian government's developmental projects. At the age of climate change, however, the implementation of the policy faces greater challenges. Empirical observation gives rise to a question as to why do the climate change mitigation programs fail to bring about favorable effect to poverty reduction? The paper employs an intermestic approach to critically explaining the underlying problems concerning climate change and poverty reduction in Indonesia. The argument is that the political economy of climate change accelerates the existing structural factors which alienate the government from the poor people, and annihilates the moral relationships between the ruler and the ruled. To clarify this position, the discussion proceeds in two main parts. The first section outlines the significant use of the intermestic approach to analyzing the disconnection between climate change and the Indonesian government's economic policy to reduce poverty. The second section goes on to discern the structural factors which exacerbate the circumstances under which poverty reduction becomes a trivial issue in the ostensibly development policy directed to achieve economic progress. The concluding section reflects what can be learnt from the ongoing situation; on how to bring the state back into the right direction.

The development of the village is an ongoing effort to oversee the change of relations of the village's political economy internally and externally, towards a new village life arrangement that is more democratic, independent and fair in line with the principles of good governance. This activity aims to provide knowledge and understanding to the village apparatus especially at Sumerta Kelod's community village, East Denpasar District, Denpasar City regarding the implementation of village governance in line with the principles of Good Governance. The method of implementing Community Service Activities (PKM) uses the saturated sample method for village government officials and purposive sampling for village communities. The results of PKM activities from the target side are reached. This can be proven from the number of participants who participated in the activity can be said to be successful. From the lecture activities, there was a question and answer session which was followed with great enthusiasm by the participants, thus it can be concluded that the objectives of this activity were achieved. The achievement of the objectives of the activity in general could be said to have been good. This can be shown from the wishes of the Sumerta Kelod Village Head in this modern era, the community is expected to be able to keep up with the times, it means that everything done through online such as making KTP, KK online lives to the village hall to be signed. It is more efficient in terms of time, energy and material.

The concept of democracy in Indonesia actually has already exists at the grassroots level, which is in the village, and thus, to create democracy should be from the bottom. At this level, we would know how to create, strengthening, and consolidating democracy in regional even in national level. Hence, the core institution for democratization is the Village at the grassroots level. This case study research conducted in Sunyalangu Village, Central Java, Indonesia that is include to a poor village in Banyumas region and thus, it become a marginal village. I examine their political cultures on national general elections from 1971 to 2004 and the relationships between village's executive and legislative roles on the lowest level of democratization. This focus shows how empirical democracy created. The result of this research shows that their political cultures is inconsistence in elects their political parties and representatives because of personal needs and their moral economy to the political party. Moreover, the village government (local executive) is still dominates the relationship with local parliament (BPD) because of the institutional and geographical constraints at the grassroots level. The implication of this situation is to re-think the concept of democracy in grassroots level by creating the democracy culture.

The issues of Papua (Both Papua and West Papua Provinces) have been reached by international communities even though the government regulation; Law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 21, Year 2001, concerning Special Autonomy for Papua Province becoming a central issue as a problem solving to make a special treat for people in Papua internally. Whereas, the regulation is expected to make people in Papua develop political, economic, and cultural also resolving the insurgency problems among them. The arrangements of social and political, economy and budget are as a special treatment, only develop economy and infrastructure but it does not solve the conflicts until today. In this case, the Counterinsurgency (COIN) strategic model needs to be implemented following the appropriateness of national policy and the condition in Papua. This research used a content analysis method to reveal the causes of an un-optimal policy in solving the insurgency. Based on the four elements of COIN, only two elements exist; community and state elements. While the international community element and private sectors do not appear on the special autonomy legislation for Papua. As a reason, the COIN model appropriates with the condition of the people that include some elements; government, local community, the non-state, international community, and private sectors. Comparing to the United States of America (USA) model where the community is not included in the COIN element since the community as an object. On the other hand, it is different from China where military and political parties as important elements since the government decisions are supported by military force to solve the insurgency problem. This research found that civil and military cooperation in the model of COIN Papua after special autonomy is reflected by the existence of Local Government Leaders Communication Forum of Papua to face all situations that happened in Papua, both in security and emergency. Active coordination among governors, local legislators, Adat communities (customary), police, and army for COIN strategy needs special coordination to global communities openly that affect opinions on the people and private sector interests in Papua. ; Persoalan Papua (Provinsi Papua dan Papua Barat) telah mengundang komunitas internasional, namun kebijakan Undang-Undang Republik Indonesia Nomor 21 Tahun 2001 Tentang Otonomi Khusus Bagi Provinsi Papua menjadi isu sentral dalam penyelesaian Papua hanya memberi perlakuan khusus terhadap internal masyarakat Papua. Padahal, melalui Undang-undang ini diharapkan dapat memberikan kesempatan kepada masyarakat Papua agar lebih cepat berkembang, baik politik, ekonomi, maupun budaya, disamping itu masalah gerakan insurgency (pemberontakan) juga dapat dituntaskan. Kenyataannya, penataan sosial politik, ekonomi dan anggaran yang bersifat khusus telah diberikan namun hanya mengembangkan perekonomian dan infrastruktur tetapi gerakan untuk memisahkan diri belum berakhir sampai saat ini. Untuk itu perlu suatu model strategi counterinsurgency (COIN) yang tetap sesuai dengan kebijakan nasional dan kondisi masyarakar Papua. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode content analysis untuk mengungkap penyebab kebijakan yang tidak optimal dalam menyelesaikan counterinsurgency. Berdasarkan empat elemen dasar dalam COIN hanya ada dua elemen yang ada, yaitu elemen masyarakat dan negara, sementara elemen komunitas internasional dan sektor privat tidak ditemukan dalam Undang-Undang Otonomi Khusus Papua. Sehingga, model COIN yang sesuai dengan kondisi masyarakat Papua harus memiliki unsur pemerintah, masyarakat lokal, non-state, komunitas internasional, dan sektor privat. Kalau dibandingkan dengan model United States of America (USA) yang memposisikan masyarakat tidak masuk dalam unsur COIN karena masyarakat diletakkan sebagai objek yang menentukan. Beda lagi kalau dibandingkan dengan strategi Cina yang menempatakan militer dan partai politik sebagai elemen penting karena keputusan pemerintah didukung oleh kekuatan militer untuk mengatasi masalah insurgency. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa kombinasi sipil dan militer dalam model kebijakan COIN Papua Pasca-Otonomi Daerah tercermin dengan adanya Forum Komunikasi Pemimpin Daerah (Forkompimda) Papua dalam menghadapi situasi, baik kondisi aman maupun kondisi darurat. Koordinasikan aktif antara gubernur, legislatif daerah, masyarakat adat, kepolisian, dan militer. Strategi COIN di masa mendatang perlu jalur koordinasi khusus dengan komunitas global secara terbuka yang mempengaruhi opini tentang masyarakat Papua dan kepentingan sektor privat yang cukup kuat di Papua.

This article is intended to examine the movement of political parties towards the castration of village democracy. Based on two studies conducted before and after the birth of Law Number 6 of 2014 concerning Villages. Marking the economy and the domination of the village elite are clearly illustrated in winning Pilkades. The dominance of clients who are concerned with the services of their parents or siblings who have been approved as village heads. Issues that will be the subject of discussion concern the role of party wings in the process of castration of village democracy. The selection of political parties is not seen in the castration of village democracy. It turns out that the people who control the candidates are those who are involved in political wing organizations. Political organizations have no restrictions as long as they do not prioritize political parties. This situation basically depicts my organization as indirect politics which has castrated village democracy. The organizational movement of the political wing in the village is a problem that is determined by the political parties which include its regulation. The election of village heads in the political process related to the political interests of the people, local politics regulates more influences on the daily life of national politics. The political wing organizations have unwittingly castrated democracy at the village level. Ideally, the village as a laboratory for national democracy should serve as a model and limit the excessive role of politics in achieving democracy nationally. ; Artikel bertujuan mengkaji gerakan sayap partai politik terhadap pengkebirian demokrasi desa. Berpangkal pada dua penelitian sebelum dan sesudah lahirnya Undang-Undang Nomor 6 Tahun 2014 tentang Desa. Ekonomi dan dominasi elite desa tergambar jelas dalam memenangkan Pilkades. Permasalahan dan pembahasan berkenaan dengan peran sayap partai politik dalam proses pengkebirian demokrasi desa. Keterlibatan partai politik tidak terlihat dalam pengkebirian demokrasi ...

Economic growth is no longer just to improve the economy alone, but economic growth must also pay attention to the welfare of the community and be carried out by paying attention to the quality of the economic growth. Good economic growth is not only temporary but long term. One of the government's efforts by this concept is to create inclusive and sustainable economic growth. The measure of the quality of economic growth can be seen through the Inclusive Economic Development Index (IGI). However, achieving inclusive economic growth is not easy. The novelty of the research is that inclusive economic growth is not only approached with an economic approach but non-economic variables are also included, to see further this interrelation. The method used in this research is quantitative with a descriptive approach. Panel regression analysis models and techniques using stata. The results of this study indicate that technology and human resources have a significant and positive effect on inclusive economic growth in Indonesia from 2017 to 2019. Meanwhile, politics has a positive but not significant effect on inclusive economic growth in Indonesia from 2017 to 2019. From the results of this study, it can be seen that also that technology, politics, and human resources simultaneously have a significant and positive effect on inclusive economic growth in Indonesia from 2017 to 2019. The implications of this research include, among others, the government needs to optimize HR productivity. Keywords: Inclusive Economy; Political; Human Resources; Technology

Trans Pacific Partnership (TPP) is a trade agreement that originated Dati Trans Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership (TPSEP) which is a high standard agreement as it seeks to eliminate tax costs for trade in goods, services and agriculture, as well as to build and extend regulations about intellectual property rights issues, foreign investment, and other trade related issues. For the U.S. during the administration of President Barack Obama, TPP is projected as a manifestation of the "Pivot to Asia" policy that can form the foundation for shaping the economic and political architecture of the Asia Pacific region, but in its development, TPP gets many obstacles, Dati the domestic environment of the U.S. and Dati the international environment. That obstacles impacted the U.S. membership status in the TPP during the administration of President Donald Trump. President Donald Trump took a policy opposite to Barrack Obama by withdraws the U.S. membership Dati TPP on 23 January 2017, which marked by the Presidential Memorandum. This paper will analyze the factors that became the background of the U.S. withdrawal Dati the membership of TPP in the era of President Donald Trump. Based on the theory of foreign policy decision making Dati Richard C. Snyder, the authors found three factors that become the background of the policy: the conditions of the U.S. domestic politics, the condition of the U.S. economy and the international context.

Cakrawala : Jurnal Penelitian Sosial. Vol. III No. 2 Nopember 2014, p. 249-268 ; European economic integration and unity of this currency leaves form a very significant ketergantungan among its members, so that a crisis was enough to shake the stability between the countries members of the other. Basically the single currency system seems to be double-edged blade for the European Union. On the one hand so profitable and increase the bargaining positions of European countries, but on the other hand is potentially detrimental. One reason is because of the level of adaptation of a State. Not all countries have a great economy to enter the euro zone. The existence of this single currency system to make the countries in the European Union will become vulnerable to a crisis. This is what led to the crisis that occurred since 2008 is so easily spread to countries in Europe. This research focuses on the policy decision taken by the third country in the European Union, namely Germany, France and the United Kingdom. Domestic political factors of history, and also the economic power of these countries also affect how the policy making process to rescue Greece from the crisis that is increasingly spreading to other European countries. The main purpose of the discussion of this paper is to provide new information concerning the handling of crisis from a process whereby policies domestic factors also gives countries a great influence, it also gives a view that Constructivist Theory is able to provide a view of the case.