Suchergebnisse

The article is concerned with typology of differentiated author's opinions on the world economy phenomena, as internationalization, integration and globalization. The author examines, from the international political economy point of view, their differences and formulates three phases of internationalization process. The author defines also the relation of these phenomena to the process of integration and regionalization in the world economy and pays attention to frequently discussed topic of global governance as well. The author further examines the possibilities of measuring globalization process intensity on both world wide and national economy levels. The article assigns a set of characteristic features or indicators making possible to define main limits of when a given national economy can be hold as being incorporated and in what rate into the globalization process. This step of identification of globalization intensity rate is very important, as starting point, when a strategy of adaptation to globalization trends is needed to be formulated, evidently, closely with the competitiveness growth and catching-up strategy elaboration. Adapted from the source document.

The article contributes to the theoretical debate on the current state of the global economic system and the implications it holds for the (re)distribution of social and economic power. The theoretical framework of the discussion builds upon critical accounts of the rise of platform capitalism – an economic and social system founded on digitalised work. The imagining of futures is based on the mapping of possible actors and paths of the continuation or disruption of ongoing trends. Although digitalisation in principle holds the potential to foster economic growth and reduce inequalities, the accelerated development of the digital economy in the last few decades has been accompanied by unequally distributed positive and negative economic outcomes. Overcoming the precariousness of work and life as a universal problem should be founded in simultaneous local, short-term, partial resistance and attempts to limit the negative impacts and spread of precariousness on one hand and conceptualising and promoting comprehensive and universal solutions to precariousness on the other as part of a general rethinking of the social, political and economic order of our age. Keywords: digital technology, digital economy, precarious work and life, platform economy, platform capitalism, economic power, economic inequalities

Ekonomski interesi treh ključnih velikih sil, Združenih držav Amerike, Rusije in Kitajske, ki se uveljavljajo oziroma uresničujejo skozi njihove konkretne politike in dejanja, imajo pomemben, če že ne velik vpliv na varnost in politične razmere drugih držav. Ker so ekonomski interesi ključni za katerokoli državo, so medsebojna dinamika, prepletanje in vplivanje teh interesov izrednega pomena za razumevanje trenutnih razmer v mednarodnih odnosih. Analiza primarnih in sekundarnih virov, predvsem pa poglobljeni intervjuji s strokovnjaki nakazujejo, da se politične in varnostne posledice ekonomskih interesov velikih sil največkrat manifestirajo na regionalni ravni. Izjema pri tem so ZDA, ki za doseganje svojih ekonomskih interesov politično in varnostno spreminjajo razmere na globalni ravni. Pri tem so najbolj osredotočene na širitev neoliberalnih ekonomskih praks in zagotovitev energetske varnosti, ki velikokrat poteka s pomočjo znatne uporabe vojaške moči. Rusija, po drugi strani, je trenutno še osredotočena na svojo vlogo energetskega velikana, pri čimer najbolj konkretno vpliva na države iz bližnje soseščine, tudi preko političnih pritiskov in industrijskih sabotaž. Analiza trendov sicer kaže, da bo cilj ekonomske diverzifikacije postajal še pomembnejši v prihodnosti. V osnovi ta zaključek pomeni, da bo Rusija skušala zmanjšati svojo odvisnost od izvoza energentov in na tak način zagotoviti večjo ekonomsko, kot tudi politično in varnostno stabilnost države. Ključna karakteristika ekonomske politike Kitajske je usmeritev v zagotavljanje energetskih virov za rastoče gospodarstvo. V ta namen se poslužuje multisektorske politike, ki je najbolj jasno vidna v Afriki. Ta poseben, quid pro quo pristop se kaže v velikih infrastrukturnih investicijah na strani Kitajske, v zameno za zagotovitve izvoza energentov iz določenih afriških držav. Analiza vse treh držav jasno kaže, da ekonomski interesi vidno vplivajo na odnose med državami v mednarodni skupnosti in usodno določajo dinamiko in ravnovesje sil. ; Economic interests of great powers, specifically United States of America, Russia and China, and the process of attaining these interests through the set of concrete policies and actions has considerable, if not predominantly important effects on political and security situation of other countries. Since economic interests are of pivotal importance for any state, the recognition and understanding of intertwined dynamics and cross-section of these interests is essential for establishing an accurate perception of the current situation in contemporary international relations. Analysis of primary and secondary resources, and especially the in- depth interviews with experts revealed that the majority of political and security implications of the process of attaining economic interests have been manifesting on the regional level. An exception to this rule is the United States, which is affecting political and security characteristics around the globe. In doing so, it is mostly concentrated on continuous expansion of neoliberalism, as well as ensuring energy security, often through utilization of military power. Meanwhile, Russia is currently still focused on its role as an energy giant, and has the ability to strongly influence the countries in its near vicinity through considerate political pressures and industrial sabotage. Many trends within the country and its internal policies seem to suggest that this is likely to change in the near future, and the goal of economic diverzification will become even more important. Essentially, this means that Russia will attempt to reduce its dependence on energy exports, and thus ensure far greater economic, but also political and security stability of the country. Finally, we analyzed China. The key characteristic of its economic policy is focus on ensuring energy resources for its growing economy. In order to succeed, China has been utilizing a multisectoral approach, most clearly visible in Africa. These quid pro quo deals were realized through large infrastrucral investment on the Chinese side, and accompanying insurance of energy exports on the side of the African countries. The analysis of all three states draws the conclusion that economic interests are thus visibly affecting the nature of the intra- state relationships in the international community, and faithfully account for the ultimate dynamics and balance of world powers.

Local communities have an important role in society. According to states legislature they execute local public policies. Those processes include local democracy, public administration, local economy and social entities. Also they combine public and private resources. All of these groups of factors have their own capacity. Capacity is their ability to achieve goals and consists from inside and outside factors. Capacity of local self-government is integrated capacity. It represents holistic capacity for those units. It tells us, whether they are capable of doing things they should do, according to social and political system and its demands. Local units have different level of capacity. With conceptual model and field research we tested our research hypothesis. Our hypothesis is that local self-government communities with higher capacity offer their residents broader local public services and goods. Also we studies influence of political stability and autonomy on capacity. On representative sample of municipalities in Republic of Slovenia we confirmed all ours research hypothesis. Conceptual model of capacity is a tool for analysing individual communities and for analysing the whole system of local-self government. Also many suggestions for improvement can be made.

Standing on the threshold of the third millennium, it seems clear that the buzzword "globalization" can describe the direction of studies in several different fields, including aesthetics. As several forces -- technological, economic, & political -- continue to intertwine people, as never before, the need for research that is global in range becomes an absolute necessity. Globalization does not concern just economy & politics; especially important is the role of culture in this process, as well as the possibility that we can give some philosophical determination of globalization. Adapted from the source document.

Abstract. The author assesses the relevance and analytical significance of authoritarian liberalism and interprets it as one of the modern conceptual models of ordoliberalism and European integration. The basic concepts of authoritarian liberalism and ordoliberalism emphasise the political and ideological connection between the authoritarianism of the strong state and the economic liberalism of market rationality. As a flexible market-oriented form of authoritarian liberalism, ordoliberalism means a rational strategy for maintaining and promoting the European integration project towards which the market economy and the technocratic elite are moving to contain crises. Due to the presence of the values of political liberalism, pluralism and the rule of law, authoritarianism in this structure is not repressive or monocentric, but subject to democratic criticism in relation to the supranational regulation of European integration.
Keywords: authoritarian liberalism, ordoliberalism, market capitalism, democracy, eurocrisis, European integration

Ko slišimo za pojem korupcija, takoj pomislimo na zlorabo javne službe za doseganje lastnih koristi. Posamezniki in podjetja podkupujejo administrativne uslužbence, da le-ti uredijo zadeve, ki morajo biti rešene. Gre torej za izsiljevanje rent od gospodarskih udeležencev in posledično od ekonomije same izključno za zasebne koristi politikov in uradnikov. Tovrsten pristop k obravnavanju pojava je v zadnjih letih začrtal popolnoma novo smer analiziranja in merjenja korupcije. Korupcija se predstavi v popolnoma novi podobi, v kateri posamezniki, skupine oziroma podjetja vplivajo na formulacijo zakonov, ali celo spreobračajo že oblikovana pravila igre, da bi si s tem zagotovili pomembne ugodnosti. Korupcija je in vedno bo obstajala v svetu, edina razlika je v tem, da se z razvojem družb spreminja, prevzema bolj prefinjene oblike, zaradi katerih jo je težje odkrivati in preprečevati. Vse bolj razsežne in destruktivne posledice, ki jih ima korupcija na gospodarsko rast in družbeno stabilnost, nujno zahtevajo praktične strategije omejevanja korupcije. Problem korupcije se ne omejuje na določeno regijo, kajti z njenimi grožnjami se ubadajo tako razvite države kot tudi države v razvoju in tranzitne države. V postsocialističnih državah so sočasni procesi razvijanja tržne ekonomije, oblikovanja novih političnih in socialnih institucij ter prerazporejanje družbene lastnine ustvarili rodna tla za pojav korupcije. Zaradi kompleksnosti fenomena in predvsem zaradi vse večjega zavedanja, da vzroki za prevzem države presegajo golo neučinkovitost in šibkost državne uprave, je potrebno za razumevanje in odpravljanje state capture razsvetliti problem širših strukturalnih povezav, kot so interna organizacija političnega sistema, odnosi in zveze med ključnimi državnimi institucijami, interakcije med podjetji in državo ter povezave med državo in civilno družbo. ; When we think about corruption, an image quickly comes to mind of abuse of public office for private gains. Individuals and firms are bribing bureaucrats to »get things done«. Behind this view lies an understanding of the state extracting rents from the economy for the exclusive benefit of politicians and bureaucrats. Such an aprroach has had a powerful impact on the way corruption has been analyzed and measured in recent years. Corruption has taken on a new image – that of individuals, groups, or firms manipulating policy formation and even shaping the emerging rules of the game to their own, very substantional advantage. Corruption has always existed across the world and it will never disappear, the difference is that has become more sophisticated and thus more difficult and costly to detect. With the increasing recognition across the globe of the damaging effects of corruption on economic growth and social stability, the demand for practical strategies to reduce corruption has grown dramatically. The problem is not confined to any particular region, and developed, developing and transition countries alike are confronting these challenges. In postcommunist states the simultaneous processes of developing a market economy, designing new political and social institutions and redistributing social assets have created fertile ground for corruption. With regard to complexity of phenomena and with increasing recognition that the roots of state capture extend far beyond weaknesses in the capacity of government, we need to be aware of factors underlying the persistence of corruption that is broader structural relationships, including the internal organization of the political system, relationships among core state institutions, the interactions between the state and firms, and the relationship between the sate and civil society.

Namen dela je predvsem proučiti oblikovanje, delovanje, vlogo in pomen Demosa kot instrumenta in akterja nacionalne emancipacije in demokratične tranzicije na Slovenskem. Pred osrednjim delom analize so opredeljeni ključni pojmi in koncepti: definicija nacionalizma ter glavni teoretični pristopi k nacionalizmu, opredelitev demokracije in demokratizacije. Za celovito razumevanje vloge in pomena posameznih političnih akterjev, kakršen je bil konec osemdesetih in v začetku devetdesetih Demos, je potrebno dobro poznati zgodovinske okoliščine. Najprej sem v poglavju o zgodovinskih mejnikih oblikovanja slovenske nacionalne identitete poskušala dokazati, da pomembni procesi v osemdesetih in devetdesetih letih niso vznikli sami od sebe, ampak imajo dolgo zgodovinsko podlago. V nadaljevanju obravnavam širjenje političnega prostora, obdobje liberalizacije in razcveta civilne družbe ter ključne procese in dogodke na poti v pluralno družbo. Procesi liberalizacije so soustvarjali tudi politično okolje, v katerem je začela nastajati politična opozicija. Konec osemdesetih let, tik pred nastankom Demosa, sta se izoblikovala dva konsistentna in nekompatibilna narodno-politična programa, ki sta simbolizirala politično polarizacijo. Nove, alternativne 'zveze' so se začele povezovati v pričakovanju demokratičnih volitev in soočenja s skupino družbenopolitičnih organizacij z Zvezo komunistov na čelu. Osrednji del disertacije predstavlja obravnava Demosa, akterja demokratizacije. Znotraj tega obdobja namenjam posebno pozornost najvidnejši osebnosti združene demokratične opozicije Jožetu Pučniku, analiziram predvolilne programe, rezultate volitev, ter oblikovanje novih oblastnih organov. V tem kontekstu analiziram tudi njihovo sodelovanje s Predsedstvom republike Slovenije. V nadaljevanju orišem vlogo Demosa v osamosvojitvenih procesih. Demos je v svojih glavnih namerah uspel, kljub temu, da ga niso ustrezno podpirali mediji, ni imel ustrezne zaslombe v gospodarstvu, pa tudi ne v državni upravi in, razen slovenske vojske in do neke mere policije, v represivnih organih oblasti. Kljub temu je uresničil glavne cilje, za uspešno izpeljano tranzicijo oziroma bolj popolno in konsolidirano demokratizacijo pa mu je zmanjkalo tako časa kot politične moči. Proces uvedbe demokracije, kot drugi od Demosovih ciljev, je bil uresničen v institucionalnem smislu, z vzpostavitvijo temeljnih demokratičnih struktur. Istočasno pa je bil Demos ključni dejavnik ne le pri oblikovanju splošnega soglasja o nujnosti osamosvojitve slovenskega naroda, ki se izraža v visokem rezultatu slovenskega plebiscita 23. decembra 1990, ampak je bil tudi glavni akter in instrument nacionalne osamosvojitve, obrambe slovenske samostojnosti v vojni za Slovenijo ter mednarodnega priznanja. ; The purpose of the thesis is primarily to examine the creation, operations, role and importance of Demos – Democratic Opposition of Slovenia as an instrument and actor of national emancipation and democratic transition in Slovenia. Prior to the central part of the analysis key terms and concepts are identified: definition of nationalism and the main theoretical approaches to nationalism, definition of democracy and democratization. For comprehensive understanding of the role and importance of individual political actors, like Demos was in the late eighties and early nineties, we should also be familiar with historical circumstances. At first I tried to stress that the main events and processes in the eighties and nineties had not emerged by themselves but were results of long historical development. Next I discuss broadening of political space, a period of liberalization and flourishing of civil society and also key processes and events on the way to a pluralistic society. The liberalization processes co-created also the political environment, in which the political opposition started to take shape. At the end of the eighties, just before the establishment of Demos, two consistent and incompatible national-political programmes were formed which symbolized the political polarization. New, alternative 'unions' began to link pending democratic elections and confrontations with a group of the so-called socio-political organizations with the Communists Party at the head. The central part of the thesis is the analysis of Demos, the actor of democratization. Within this period I pay particular attention to Jože Pučnik, the most prominent personality of the united democratic opposition, I analyse election programs, results of elections and the creation of new public authorities. In this context, I analyse also their cooperation with the Presidency of the Republic of Slovenia and outline the role of Demos in the independence processes. Demos succeeded in its main intentions, despite the fact that it had not adequate support of the media, no support of the economy nor in the public service and, with the exception of the Slovenian Army and to some extent police forces, the repressive authorities. Despite all these Demos accomplished its main objectives, however, for a successful transition or a more complete and consolidated democratization it ran out of time and political power. The process of introducing democracy was realized in a formal sense, with the establishment of basic democratic structures. At the same time Demos was a key factor in the creation of the general consensus on the necessity of the Slovenian independency which is shown in the high score of the plebiscite on 23rd Dec 1990. Demos was also the key actor and an instrument of the national independence process, the defence of the Slovenian territory in the war for Slovenia as well as in the process of the international recognition of the new Slovenian sovereign state.

Evropska unija je gospodarska in politična povezava 28. evropskih držav, ki svojim članicam omogoča ekonomsko sodelovanje, enotni trg in skupno institucionalno okolje. Nemčija je ena od ustanoviteljic te povezave, Slovenija spada med mlajše članice, Hrvaška pa se je Evropski uniji pridružila komaj leta 2013. Kljub nekaterim skupnim točkam pa obstaja med njimi mnogo razlik. Nemško gospodarstvo je razvitejše od slovenskega in hrvaškega, saj je bruto domači proizvod na prebivalca po pariteti kupne moči za leto 2012 v Nemčiji bil višji od evropskega povprečja za 23 %, v Sloveniji je bil za 18 % nižji od povprečja EU-28, hrvaški pa je zaostajal za evropskim povprečjem za kar 39 %. V tej raziskavi smo želeli ugotoviti, ali se omenjeni razvojni razkorak med Slovenijo in Nemčijo ter Hrvaško kaže skozi razmerja ravni cen storitev. V ta namen smo v tem delu primerjali cene 101 storitve med Slovenijo, Nemčijo in Hrvaško, ki smo jih razdelili v 10 skupin. Na podlagi izračunov smo prišli do naslednjih zaključkov: • Cene storitev so bile v Sloveniji v marcu in aprilu 2012 v povprečju za 30 % nižje kot v Nemčiji. Slovenski potrošnik je v povprečju za opazovano skupino storitev plačal le 70 % zneska, ki ga je plačal nemški potrošnik. • Primerjava cen storitev med Slovenijo in Hrvaško pokaže, da so bile v enakem opazovanem obdobju cene storitev v povprečju za 20 % višje kot na Hrvaškem. • Relativno najcenejša skupina storitev, ko primerjamo Slovenijo z Nemčijo, so obrtne storitve in popravila, relativno najdražja skupina storitev, ko primerjamo Slovenijo s Hrvaško, pa so komunalne storitve. • Obstaja večja stopnja podobnosti cen preučevanega vzorca storitev med Slovenijo in Hrvaško, kot pa med Slovenijo in Nemčijo. ; The European Union is an economic and political union of 28 European countries, which enables its members economic cooperation, single market and common institutional environment. Germany is one of the founders of the Union, Slovenia belongs to its younger members and Croatia joined to the European Union in the year 2013. Despite some common points, there are many differences among these member countries. German economy is more developed than Slovenian and Croatian, as the GDP per capita in PPS for the year 2012 in Germany was 23 % higher from the European average, in Slovenia it was 18 % lower than the average of the EU-28, and Croatia stayed behind the European average by 39 %. In this study, we wanted to determine whether the above mentioned development gap among Slovenia, Germany and Croatia shows through all levels of service prices. With this purpose this thesis compares the prices of 101 services in Slovenia, Germany and Croatia, which were divided into 10 groups. On the basis of calculations we came to the following conclusions: • In March and April 2012 in Slovenia the prices of services were 30 % lower on average than in Germany, thus the aggregate price level was 0.7. This means that the Slovenian consumer paid only 70 % of the amount for the same service as the German consumer did. • The comparison of prices between Slovenia and Croatia shows, that in the same observing period the prices in Slovenia were on average 20 % higher than in Croatia. • Comparing Slovenia and Germany the relatively cheapest group of services were the handcraft services and the services of repairs, the relatively most expensive group of services, when comparing Slovenia and Croatia are the utility services. • The level of price similarity of the observed groups of services is higher when comparing Slovenia and Croatia as in comparing Slovenia and Germany.

V magistrskem delu obravnavamo različne politike internacionalizacije visokega šolstva v Sloveniji in na Nizozemskem. Glavni temelj naloge predstavlja analiza in primerjava strateških dokumentov internacionalizacije visokega šolstva obeh izbranih držav. V teoretičnem delu izpostavimo internacionalizacijo v zgodovinski perspektivi. Na kratko opišemo družbenoekonomski kontekst razvoja nizozemskih univerz ter obravnavamo nastanek in razvoj slovenskih in nizozemskih univerz. Osredotočimo se na njihovo poslanstvo ter z njim povezanim položajem jezika v raziskovalni in pedagoški dejavnosti. Opredelimo tudi termin internacionalizacije in navedemo različne definicije. Nato predstavimo oblike internacionalizacije: internacionalizacijo doma, internacionalizacijo kurikuluma ter internacionalizacijo v tujini. V okviru razvoja bolonjskega procesa predstavimo nastanek evropske gospodarske skupnosti, začetke samega procesa ter kritiko njegove neoliberalne zasnove. Raziščemo tudi zelo relevantno temo – transfer izobraževalnih politik. Zaključimo s predstavitvijo jezikovne problematike, to je vedno večja vloga angleščine v pedagoškem in raziskovalnem visokošolskem prostoru ter položaj nacionalnih jezikov. V okviru empiričnega dela najprej ugotavljamo podobnosti in razlike med nacionalnimi politikami internacionalizacije visokega šolstva v Sloveniji in na Nizozemskem ter med politikami na institucionalni ravni – opravimo torej primerjavo Univerze v Ljubljani in Univerze v Amsterdamu. Analiza nacionalnih strateških dokumentov dokazuje, da tako slovensko kot nizozemsko visoko šolstvo sledi podobnim ciljem internacionalizacije. Kot prvo bistveno razliko pa lahko izpostavimo težnjo Nizozemske po povezovanju visokošolskih institucij z gospodarstvom in posledično prevlado gospodarskih motivov za internacionalizacijo. Nasprotno pa internacionalizacijo slovenskega visokega šolstva usmerjajo predvsem politični motivi, saj želi država utrditi prepoznavno podobo nacionalnega visokega šolstva. S tem pa je povezana tudi druga pomembna razlika. V nizozemskih strateških dokumentih je poudarjena namera po konkurenčnosti in prepoznavnosti države na globalni ravni, medtem ko je v slovenskih strateških dokumentih v ospredju potreba po vzpostavitvi regionalne identitete. Nizozemska se torej usmerja v bolj globalno internacionalizacijo, Slovenija pa v regionalno. Državi sta si podobni v tem, da vidita internacionalizacijo kot poglavitni dejavnik pri razvoju svojega visokega šolstva, ki rezultira v izboljšanje njegove kakovosti. Analiza politike internacionalizacije dveh osrednjih univerz v obeh država pokaže, da je zaradi statusa mednarodne in dvojezične univerze Univerze v Amsterdamu internacionalizacija njena ključna značilnost, medtem ko je ljubljanska univerza pri svoji internacionalizaciji dokaj omejena. Zaradi svoje izrazite mednarodne usmerjenosti Univerza v Amsterdamu izvaja pouk v t. i. mednarodni predavalnici. Nizozemska in njene univerze so že – gledano z zgodovinske perspektive – veliko bolj mednarodno odprte. Slednje pa je prispevalo k temu, da Nizozemska spada med najbogatejše države na svetu. Prednost bogatih držav pa niso le zadostna finančna sredstva za implementacijo optimalne internacionalizacije, ampak tudi »privilegij« postavljanja trendov na področju internacionalizacije. Preučujemo tudi medsebojno skladnost strateških dokumentov v posamezni državi ter način odražaja ciljev bolonjskega procesa v ciljih strateških dokumentov. Ugotovimo, da je v nizozemskih strateških dokumentih v primerjavi s slovenskimi prisotno bistveno večje ujemanje v ključnih oziroma prioritetnih ciljih, kar je mogoče pripisati aktivni vključenosti nizozemskih univerz pri oblikovaju politik. Bolonjski cilji so izraženi v obeh državnih in obeh institucionalnih strategijah internacionalizacije. Izpostavili bi cilj pospeševanja mobilnosti, ki se pojavi v vseh štirih strategijah. Na koncu raziskujemo, kako državi urejata oziroma rešujeta vprašanje jezika visokega šolstva. Ugotovili smo, da v obeh državah zakona, ki urejata področje visokega šolstva, izpostavljata skrb za materinščino. Ta naloga spada v okvir visokošolskih zavodov. Univerza v Amsterdamu ima – za razliko od Univerze v Ljubljani – oblikovano svojo jezikovno strategijo, v kateri je pojasnjeno, na kakšen način se izbere oziroma določi jezik poučevanja, s čimer je odločitev o jeziku poučevanja olajšana. Kot je pokazala primerjava različnih dokumentov s področja visokega šolstva in strategij, je današnja internacionalizacija v različnih državah pod vplivom tako sodobnih procesov, konkretneje bolonjskega procesa, kot tudi različnih zgodovinskih dejavnikov oziroma okoliščin. Enake politike internacionalizacije se torej v različnih okoljih implementirajo različno. S tem tudi potrjujemo ugotovitev de Wita in F. Hunter (2015, str. 2), da ni modela internacionalizacije, ki bi ustrezal vsem. ; Internationalisation of Higher Education in Slovenia and the Netherlands After the Implementation of the Bologna Process In this thesis, we discuss the different internationalisation policies of higher education in Slovenia and the Netherlands. Analysing and comparing the strategic documents about the internationalisation of higher education in the chosen countries is the basis of the following thesis. In the theoretical part, we put internationalisation in a historical perspective. We concisely describe the socioeconomic context of the development of Dutch universities and analyse the origins and development of Slovene and Dutch universities. Furthermore, we focus on the mission of universities and their related position of language in research and teaching. We also define internationalisation and present its different definitions. Additionally, we introduce the forms of internationalisation: internationalisation at home, internationalisation of the curriculum, and internationalisation abroad. In the context of the development of the Bologna Process, we present the emergence of the European Economic Community, the beginnings of the process itself, and a critique of its neo-liberal concept. Moreover, we also explore the transfer of educational policies. We conclude by presenting the language issues, i.e., the growing role of English in teaching and research in higher education, and the position of national languages. In the empirical part, we first identify similarities and differences between national policies on the internationalisation of higher education in Slovenia and the Netherlands. Then we examine the policies at the institutional level by comparing the University of Ljubljana and the University of Amsterdam. Analysis of national strategy documents shows that both Slovenian and Dutch higher education pursue similar internationalisation objectives. However, the first significant difference is the Dutch tendency to connect higher education institutions with the economy. Consequently, economic motives for internationalisation prevail. In contrast, the internationalisation of Slovenian higher education is driven primarily by political motives, as the country wants to consolidate a recognisable national higher education. Nonetheless, there is another important difference. The Dutch strategy documents emphasise the intention to make the country competitive and visible on a global level, while the Slovenian strategy documents focus on the need to establish a regional identity. The Netherlands is therefore moving towards a more global internationalisation, whereas Slovenia moves towards a regional one. At the same time, they both perceive internationalisation as the crucial factor in developing higher education. Particularly, in the context of increasing its quality. The two countries are similar in the way they see internationalisation – as the major factor in the development of their higher education and as means to enhance its quality. An analysis of the internationalisation policies of the two central universities in both countries shows that, due to its status as an international and bilingual university, internationalisation is a leading feature of the University of Amsterdam. On the contrary, the University of Ljubljana is somewhat limited in its internationalisation. Due to its strong international orientation, the University of Amsterdam holds its classes in a so-called "international classroom." Historically viewed, The Netherlands and its universities have been much more internationally opened. This has contributed to the Netherlands being one of the wealthiest countries in the world. The advantage of rich countries is not only having sufficient financial resources to implement optimal internationalisation, but also the "privilege" of setting trends in the area of internationalisation. We also look at the coherence between the strategic documents in each country and how the objectives of the Bologna Process are reflected in the objectives of the strategic documents. We have found out that there is a significantly higher congruence in the key objectives in the Dutch strategic document compared to the Slovenian ones. The reason for that could be the active involvement of Dutch universities in policymaking. The Bologna objectives are reflected in both national and both institutional internationalisation strategies. We aim to highlight the objective of promoting mobility, which appears in all four strategies. Lastly, we explore the way of how countries are addressing the issue of the language of higher education. We have discovered that the laws governing higher education emphasise care for the mother tongue in both countries. The University of Amsterdam has constructed a language strategy that explains how the instruction language is chosen and determined. By doing so, the decision for the instruction language is less complicated. At the moment, the University of Ljubljana still does not have the same approach. By comparing different higher education documents and strategies, we have shown that contemporary changes (specifically the Bologna Process) and various historical factors have influenced internationalisation today. The same internationalisation policies are therefore implemented differently in various contexts. This also confirms the observation made by de Wit and F. Hunter (2015, p. 2) that there is "no one model that fits all".