Suchergebnisse

If we take political economy to be concerned with the way a society satisfies its needs, we would expect that an account of Marx's critique of political economy of art should begin with a critique of the way a need for art is perceived within capitalistic production relations. We will try to provide a sketch of such a critique in this paper, taking various accounts of the place and role of art within a system of human needs as a context in which art works and artistic creation are connected with categories of commodity, production, labour, market etc. Then we will turn to an account of human needs, provided by Agnes Heller, that are not limited to political economy and aim to show that the need for art is properly located within that system of "non-alienated" needs and human self-determination. ; Ako znamo da politička ekonomija proučava način na koji društvo zadovoljava svoje potrebe, očekivali bismo da će prikaz Marxove kritike političke ekonomije umjetnosti krenuti od kritike načina na koji se potreba za umjetnošću percipira unutar kapitalističkih proizvodnih odnosa. U ovom radu pokušat ćemo skicirati takvu kritiku, uzimajući različite prikaze položaja i uloge umjetnosti u sustavu ljudskih potreba kao kontekst u kojem su umjetnička djela i stvaralaštvo povezani s kategorijama robe, proizvodnje, rada, tržišta itd. Zatim ćemo se okrenuti prikazu ljudskih potreba kako ih vidi Agnes Heller, a koje nisu ograničene na političku ekonomiju, i pokušati pokazati da je potreba za umjetnošću s pravom smještena u sustav "neotuđenih" potreba i ljudskog samoodređenja.

The author looks into the methodological features of public choice theory. On the example of James Buchanan's contribution, he demonstrates the differences between that kind of approach (often dubbed political economy) versus welfare economics and mainstream economics. Unlike welfare economics, which tries to work out the optimal state of allocation and distribution of economic resources by using certain logical rules based on Pareto's principles, or mainstream economics, which tries to identify the improvements in observable economic categories (such as national income or investment consumption), political economy encompasses the process of collective decision-making i.e. politics. In this, the efficacy criterion is t extent of consent (consensus) in collective decisionmaking. On the example of Buchanan's and Tullock's joint contribution in the book "The Calculus of Consent", the author concludes that this paved the way for introducing a legitimate categorial mechanism for investigating the costs of political decision-making into political science. (SOI : PM: S. 88)

For an artist at the earliest stages of his career, accumulating a stock of knowledge and skills can become the most important basis from which he or she might expect a higher income or ranking on the art market in the future. These investments can be seen as the direct costs of higher education in art, which together with other costs make a significant corpus of investment for the artist, from which some future return may be expected. According to the renowned theoretician of economy Ruth Towse, such investment can also be considered as a "percentage of personal income," which can be understood as compensation for any interest that the artist would have realized in case he had effectively converted such investment into savings or invested in something else. Thus, the indirect costs of investing in art education are all those that we can consider as earnings that were missed during the training period, or period of knowledge accumulation. In this case, theorists will agree that such investment may be considered as an opportunity cost, which would have been compensated had that time been used for work, that is, invested in earning rather than learning. Therefore, in this paper, based on these dichotomy contributions, we will build on the general views of the contract theory as proposed by Richard E. Caves on the negotiating position of the artist, which in most cases constitutes an "incomplete contract" that cannot compensate for all the costs of art education and later the price and market value of his or her work. The need to pay special attention to this topic in the new conditions of political economy arises from a rather dominant and hypostatic form of cognitive capital on the one side, and the neoliberal model of cultural policy on the other. ; Stvaranje zaliha znanja i vještina za umjetnika u najranijim fazama njegovog razvoja može da predstavlja najznačajniju osnovu s koje u budućnosti može očekivati veći dohodak ili ranigiranje unutar nekog umjetničkog tržišta. Ta ulaganja moguće je sagledati kao neposredne troškove visokoškolskog umjetničkog obrazovanja koje povezano sa ostalim troškovima čine značajan korpus investicija umjetnika od kojih se, u perspektivi, može očekivati povraćaj uloženog. Po riječima ugledne teoretičarke ekonomike kulture, Rut Tausi [Ruth Towse], takvo se ulaganje može nazvati i "lična stopa prinosa" koja se može razumjeti kao nadoknada eventualne kamate koju bi umjetnik ostvario da je kojim slučajem takvu investiciju efektivno pretvorio u štednju ili investirao u nešto drugo. Na drugoj strani, posredni troškovi ulaganja u umjetničko obrazovanje su svi oni koje možemo smatrati propuštenom zaradom koja nastaje u toku perioda obuke umjetnika, odnosno perioda akumulacije njegovog znanja. U takvom slučaju teoretičari će se složiti da se takva investicija može smatrati oportunitetnim troškom koji bi mogao biti nadoknađen da je to vrijeme bilo iskorišteno za rad, odnosno za prihodovanje, a ne za obrazovanje. Stoga ćemo u ovom radu na osnovu ovih dihotomijskih priloga pokušati da nadogradimo opšta stanovišta teorije ugovora Ričarda E. Kejvsa [Richard E. Caves] o pregovaračkoj poziciji umjetnika koja u većini slučajeva predstavlja "nepotpun ugovor" kojim se ne mogu kompenzovati svi troškovi umjetničkog obrazovanja te kasnije cijene i tržišne vrijednosti njegovog rada. Potreba da se ovoj temi posveti posebna pažnja u novim uslovima političke ekonomije nastaje iz jedne prilično preovladajuće i hipostazirane forme kognitivnog kapitala na jednoj i neoliberalnog modela kulturne politike na drugoj strani.

The author analyzes the interpretations by Jean-Marie Guehenno and Helmut Willke of the end of the national state within the context of contemporary debates on globalisation. The author thinks that in their analyses both authors have come up th similar insights, particularly those regarding the assessment of the functional role which may be analytically attributed to the national state in the present and the future. Although their observations coincide with the debates on globalisation going on in political economy and political science, their conclusions are not in line with the special structure of political activity. Unlike their state/theoretic "hegelianism" (Guehenno) and system theory, functional definition of government activity (Willke), the author looks into the contemporary operation of the state from the legal/philosophical perspective. (SOI : PM: S. 37)

The Ministry of Science of the Republic of Croatia decided on a new "Rule book of definition of scientific areas". By the "Book", politology is a scientific field in the area of social sciences. The field is divided in three branches: 1. politology, 2. theory and history of politics, 3. political philosophy. The author of this article shows by documents how the "political science" is quite differently structured by IPSA and APSA, and describes 120 years of dominantly American development of "political science" and of professions of political scientists which brought out a recent new world standard with around 100 subdisciplines and areas of expertise which are structured in 8 fundamental disciplines: 1. political institutions, 2. political behaviour, 3. comparative politics, 4. internationa relations, 5. political theory, 6. public policy and public administration/management, 7. political economy, 8. political methodology. The author points out that a voluntaristic intervention in the definition of scientific areas could mean an attack on development of science, research organisation, renewal of teaching staff on University, and on academic education of political scientists, as well as on internationally comparable competence of Croatian experts, and Croatian democratic political thought and political culture in general. (SOI : PM: S. 240)

Predmet rada su činioci i struktura političke kulture mladih u Srbiji. Politička kultura shvaćena je kao sveukupnost političkih i politički relevantnih orijentacija među pripadnicima jedne političke zajednice koja obuhvata nekoliko tipova orijentacije: kognitivne, afektivne, motivacione, vrednosne i ponašajne. ; The paper explores the factors and structure of youth political culture in Serbia. Political culture is defined as a comprehensive sum of political and politically relevant orientations of the members of a political community and comprises several types of orientations: cognitive, affective, motivational, evaluative and behavioural. Accordingly, five components of youth political culture were distinguished and operationalised by a large number of indicators. The empirical basis for the thesis is a survey conducted in 25 randomly selected secondary schools from the city of Belgrade. The total of 788 students from four different types of secondary school participated in the research: grammar schools (N=202), technical (N=207), economic (N=211) and medical (N=168). The sample was restricted to students of the final year (average age M=18.10, SD=.40). Three-quarters of students (75%) in the sample attend urban secondary schools and one quarter suburban (25%). There were more female participants (58%) than male (42%). Research results indicate that the level of youth political knowledge is low. The majority are not informed about topical social and political issues nor acquainted with certain basic rules regarding the functioning of the Serbian political system, such as the election threshold, government composition or the number of MPs. The prevailing feelings towards numerous analysed political objects are negative. Young people are highly dissatisfied with the current socioeconomic situation. The President, the Government, the Parliament, police, judiciary, the European Union or NATO, are not much trusted. Political cynicism is dominant, while for the majority politics is not the field of interest nor is considered important in life. Most students believe that they cannot influence political affairs (however, surprisingly, they are ready to vote in the following elections) while their opinions on social activism are divided. The attitude towards pro-system values is often ambiguous and vague. The attitude towards democracy is predominantly positive. However, the majority of students do not perceive favourably the newly established mechanisms and institutions of market economy and are hence more inclined towards the socialist than (pro-)market orientation. It can be said that they do not support the freedom of speech, multi-party system and rule of law.

The author discusses the basic structure of Mancur Olson's political economy. He highlights three concepts on which it is based - public goods, interest groups, and selective incentives. The last concept represents Olson's innovation in contemporary political science. The author's central methodical assumption is based on the insight that Olson's key theory is linked with the so-called public goods paradox. Unlike private goods, public goods are non-competitive and non-exclusive, which means that it is not possible to bar those who do not share the costs of their production from using them. On the basis of this, Olson has developed the original theory of interest groups. By looking into the costs of organizing along interest lines as a collective activity whose result is a public good, he distinguishes between large, heterogeneous, and small, homogeneous groups. Besides, he has shown that, regarding public goods, individuals tend to behave as free riders, defaulters who try to avoid the costs of securing these goods. The author shows that Olson has, notwithstanding certain flimsiness of his reductionist methodology, significantly revamped political science. (SOI : PM: S. 202)

In this paper, we analyse two recent contributions to the Marxist critique of the political economy of art: the article "Artistic Labor and the Production of Value: An Attempt at a Marxist Interpretation" by José María Durán and the book Art and Value: Art's Economic Exceptionalism in Classical, Neoclassical and Marxist Economics by Dave Beech. While Durán emphasizes the emergence of the legal category of intellectual property rights as crucial for value production in art, Beech has reached the contrary conclusion that artistic labour does not produce value and that artistic production is therefore excepted from capitalist commodity production. In our paper, we criticize both conclusions. While agreeing with Beech that artistic labour does not produce value and is thus excepted from the ideology of commodity fetishism, we believe that through the ideology of converted forms it nevertheless becomes part of capitalist commodity production. We would argue that the sector of artistic production, through the converted form of monopoly rent, establishes a production relation with other, competitive, sectors of capitalist economy. This production relation is enabled by the ideology of aesthetic fetishism, supported by the ideology of legal fetishism through the category of intellectual property rights. Contrary to Durán, we thus conclude that intellectual property rights allow for a hidden transfer of surplus value produced by the workers in the competitive sectors of the capitalist economy. ; U tekstu analiziramo dva novija priloga marksističkoj kritici političke ekonomije umetnosti: članak "Umetnički rad i proizvodnja vrednosti: pokušaj marksističke interpretacije" Hozea Marije Durana [José María Durán] i knjigu Umetnost i vrednost: ekonomska izuzetnost umetnosti u klasičnoj, neoklasičnoj i marksističkoj ekonomici Dejva Biča [Dave Beech]. Dok Duran u svojoj analizi daje naglasak zasnivanju pravne kategorije prava na intelektualno vlasništvo kao determinanti proizvodnje vrednosti u umetničkoj proizvodnji, Bič dolazi u svojoj knjizi do suprotnog zaključka da umetnički rad ne proizvodi vrednost i da je time umetnička proizvodnja izuzeta iz kapitalističke robne proizvodnje. U našem tekstu kritikujemo oba zaključka. Sa Bičom se slažemo da umetnički rad ne proizvodi vrednost i da je time izuzet iz ideologije robnog fetišizma, ali smatramo da on putem ideologije preobraženih oblika postaje deo kapitalističke robne proizvodnje. Tvrdimo da sektor umetničke proizvodnje putem preobraženog oblika monopolske rente zasniva proizvodni odnos sa drugim, konkurentskim, sektorima kapitalističke privrede. Ovaj proizvodni odnos je omogućen ideologijom estetskog fetišizma koju podržava ideologija pravnog fetišizma putem kategorije prava na vlasništvo intelektualne svojine. Contra Duranu zaključujemo da pravo na vlasništvo intelektualne svojine omogućava skriveni prenos viška vrednosti koji su proizveli radnici konkurentskog sektora kapitalističke privrede.

The Independent State of Croatia had a series of weaknesses. Territorially it was an incomplete state, and its satellite position dictated its conduct on the economic level (man-power, raw materials, production). Many economic experts were engaged in organizing the economy. They created a system of "modernized economic life", which might have functioned in a country with no war and no political mistakes. Destruction of traffic arteries and raw materials along with poverty of labour force ruined the economy of the country, to which the unfortunate political situation in the Balkans, but on the international level as well, had also contributed. (SOI : CSP: S. 542)

The Republic of Serbia has already missed several historical chances to join the European Union but is currently in a a position to define and accelerate the process leading to a united Europe, and therefore confirming that it historically, economically, regionally and culturally belongs to the European family of nations. Accession to the EU is one of the most important goals of modern Serbia which realization Serbia will become an organized state, gain political stability and provide intensive economic development. Defining the development strategy of Serbia to join European Union includes the necessary political conditions (stability of democracy and its institutions, respect for fundamental human and minority rights), economic conditions (the existence of a functioning market economy that is able to withstand the pressure of competition in the internal market of the European Union) as well as administrative requirements (the ability of future members to take and apply the primary and secondary EU legislation and to implement the aims of political, economic and monetary union). Joining single market of the European Union opens up opportunities for marketing of domestic products and services, where it should be noted that the export of our companies in the EU amounts to over 50% of total domestic exports. This proves that the European Union is traditionally the most important export market for Serbia. Therefore, the integration of Serbia into the European Union is viewed as the headquarters of growth of the Serbian economy through the growth of export of domestic products to the EU market. The most positive effects are measurable in the area of agriculture, where our country has a surplus in agricultural trade with the EU. Serbia has preferential status for 90% of agricultural products, which should be taken advantage of, so that agrarian reform is going in the direction of maximum increase in production until joining the EU. There are also great chances in car industry, where most of the commercial reorientation is done under the auspices of the European Agreement.

The collapse of the communist systems has brought about the crisis of identity and the political efficacy of the left not solely in Eastern Europe but in the West as well. Due to this situation, the author claims, all the elements of the traditional leftist identity have come under scrutiny. This applies both to the political ingredients common to all leftist parties (the primacy of economy, rejection of private ownership and market, egalitarianism, collectivism and the theory of progress) as well as the elements which instigated irreconcilable differentiations within the left (internationalism vs. nationalism, parliamentary democracy, the attitude towards violence, reform vs. revolution). The author concludes that due to the complex structure of the problems facing leftist parties and other political protagonists as well, there is little possibility for the emergence of an all-embracing leftist political programme; instead, partial programme variations should be expected. (SOI : PM: S. 21)

The theory of public choice is a major link between political science and economic science. It includes economic research into the issue of non- market decision-making i.e. the application of economic analysis to political decision-making. The champions of the theory of public choice have most confidence in the market and the market institutions. They try to explain political decision-making by means of the standards operating on the market. The public choice theory approach is based on the concept of methodological individualism and homo oeconomicus, since individuals try to promote their own interests both on the market and in politics. Theoreticians of public choice investigate voters' behaviour, the roles of politicians, political parties, and interest groups in complex democratic societies. Central for their research is the political process in which voters behave as buyers, politicians as entrepreneurs, while bureaucrats are prone to self-aggrandisement and their ambition is to boost the significance of their office. The theory of public choice emphasises the category of exchange (political exchange) and the catalectic approach to economy. (SOI : PM: S. 100)

Taking into consideration all the benefits and pitfalls of its political, economic, military, and cultural legacies, the People's Republic of China has adopted a policy of reliance on rapid economic growth and improvement of the standard of living, conducive to political and social stability of Chinese society and state. This goal has been accomplished only temporarily and partially, while the final result primarily depends on the ability of the Chinese leadership to find the golden mean between the two opposites: the closed political system and the need to maintain an open economy. In its search for a place in today's world, the People's Republic of China is faced with the central choice of the equitable participation in global community: full acceptance of its mechanisms and principles (beginning with the United Nations) and international trade norms, the protection of human rights, armament control, environmental protection and so on. However, the Chinese see in this a threat of the erosion of Chinese independence and the possibility of choice and political independence of the Chinese state. (SOI : PM: S. 44)