Suchergebnisse

At the international level, Spain is considered a success story in collaboration between public authorities and the social economy. The nature of these existing relationships and of future association between public authorities and civil society organizations, reflects several factors: the nature of political culture (neo-corporatism), path dependency, social and economic importance as well as the type of social economy, ways of structuring representation, notoriety, the perception of the utility of these types of enterprises by public and private actors (unions, research and training organisations, etc.), the organisation of public space (and the quality of public debate), the party system (its internal organisation and its legitimacy crisis) and the prioritisation they grant to the social economy in their political agenda, and, finally, the importance of the four levels of government- European supra-state, national, regional and municipal. There are other factors to be added, but it is understood that the aforementioned aspects are necessary and sufficient to have an accurate picture of the collaboration of public authorities and the social economy in Spain. Our hypothesis affirms that the impact of the social economy on the design of policies and in their implementation has reached a very high level in our country, especially in some of its regions, such as Andalousia and part of the Basque region, due to a synchronization of favorable elements in each of the categories below. We understand that the methodological tool with more significant explanatory power to understand the origin and of the implementation of these policies, is that of community and political networks. We also believe that in the analysis of a case such as that of public/private collaboration in this specific domain, the description of policies in place as well as an analysis of the actors and of their discourse, have great explanatory power for drawing conclusions which can serve to better understand not only the origins of a particular policy, but also its nature. In the Spanish case, we find ourselves in a political sub-system, that of political policies supporting the social economy, which present a vast range and diversity of measures including cases with a high degree of sophistication and of innovation. According to the classification of the politics of SUPPLY and DEMAND by Chaves (2002), in the first case, we present all of the types of public policies available. For example, in the case of institutional policies, we see that there exists a large number of important sites in the different divisions of public administrations (usually at the administrative level); the representative organizations of the social economy have developed with a significant level of technical abilities and relational capital and the judicial framework is rich and varied. The decentralized political and administrative structure of the Spanish State, favors, in a certain way, benchmarking and territorial innovation. Among other types of measures, it is important to underline those of a cognitive nature. Therefore, outside the more traditional measures of training, there exists very ambitious and innovative experiences of training targeting political representatives of organizations, prescribers, etc. There are also measures to raise awareness, to promote study and to reinforce the structure of the social economy, considered fundamental among most of the respondents who participated in our research. In conclusion, it is important to note that we have extracted, a series of elements from discussions and surveys, which could explain the process and, in part, the reasons for the success of this good practice. We note, in particular: the importance of the process; the adaptation of the culture of the sub-system; the process of co-construction of the social economy's identity; its structuring; the organization of public space (the decentralised State) and the historical inertia (path dependency). We must equally emphasize the importance of the cognitive element in the policies, the role of the Outline Law of the Social Economy, in the sense that it enshrines philosophical concepts in legal forms and the importance of participation of representatives of the social economy in formal and informal forums.

After the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster, the Japanese government tried to democratize energy policy-making by introducing public participation. Over the course of its implementation, however, public participation came to be subordinated to expert committees as the primary mechanism of policy rationalization. The expert committees not only neutralized the results of public participation but also discounted the necessity of public participation itself. This trajectory of public participation, from its historic introduction to eventual collapse, can be fully explained only in reference to complex interactions between the macroinstitutions and microsituations of Japanese policy-making at the time of the nuclear disaster: the macroinstitutional reassembling of the developmental state to reallocate more power from the bureaucracy to the cabinet office and the civil society vis-à-vis the microsituational, shifting power dynamics involving political parties, citizens and NGOs, businesses and labor unions, and other relevant actors. This case study thus helps advance the growing science and technology studies research on how the macro and microparameters of policy-making, ranging from the durable institutions of nation-states to situationally specific political struggles, combine to shape the designs, implementations, and policy influences of public participation at particular places and times as well as in particular policy domains.

This Dictionary provides an impartial and valuable background to the Latin American region, vital for anyone interested in the current affairs, recent history and economy of this vast area. Entries provide definitions of terms, concepts, names and organizations key to discussions of Central and South America. Covering some 48 countries and territories, this volume offers a unique insight to the political and economic dimensions of this diverse region.

A longitudinal perspective on motherhood that spans the experience of gestation, birthing, the care of young children, and the mother's relation to her grown children makes way for a conception of the mother as essentially plural. It shall be argued in this paper that maternity is necessarily tied to surrogacy, that it is divided into a multiplicity of tasks inevitably parceled out to multiple agents. In this essay, the analysis of maternal surrogacy is focused on the phenomenon of mothering from a distance, a maternal practice engendered by the feminization and globalization of labor markets. By both affirming the value of maternal surrogates and questioning the limits of surrogacy, this analysis of motherhood challenges both the economic exploitation that engenders and sustains distant mothering and the gendered division of care labor that supports the global economy of care.

Why has Japanese industrialisation been so much faster than that of China? The relative economic development of Japan and China from similar nineteenth-century conditions are examined in broad philosophical, social, political and historical perspective. The book challenges a common assumption that Chinese Confucianism does not encourage modernisation, while Japanese Confucianism propelled industrialisation forward. It examines further reasons why Max Weber's judgement, 'the Chinese would be probably more capable than the Japanese, of assimilating capitalism', has not been borne out.

The most successful partnership agreements portray the strengths of both public and private sector to establish harmonizing relations. Instead of considering a partnership as a model, it should be considered as a process. Commonly accepted partnerships are in the field of infrastructure, although success is granted in technology partnerships, and sometimes in policy partnerships also. Presented as ? universal solution, partnerships are being implemented in different political and economical environments with ? diverse success rates. Intended for this paper, research has been conducted for two economies of South Balkan (Macedonia and Serbia) with a purpose of identifying current partnership projects and their prospects. As ? novice in the implementation of partnership concept, these countries are willing to start with the widely accepted concession agreements in the field of infrastructure development. Proven to be ? success story, there is a room form for more kinds of partnerships agreements. This paper discusses recent changes evident in improved cooperation between public and private sector in realization of complex projects as the main characteristic of present-day worldwide economies. The creation of new, innovative agreements is driven by ? globally identified problem: limitation of public funds and ever-growing demand for increased quality of public services. One of the forms for solving of this problem is the Public Private Partnership (PPP) as a common tool that can find application in all economies, regardless of the level of economic development. Public private partnership was identified as an alternative to the traditional public sector procurement that could be seen as one component of the rearrangement of the public sector, consistent with cost recovery and achievement of value for money. Governments, globally, have expanded an experience and proficiency in increased involvement of the private sector in the procurement of public services. The fundamental reason for introduction of ? partnership is that both sectors have particular positively correlated characteristics that could jointly facilitate more effective provision of public services.

Argentine cooperativism in its different subtypes and classifications, throughout Argentine history, assumed new and diverse socio-economic functions, several of the functional modalities in many cases were linked to the contextual economic dynamics and the possibilities and opportunities that arise. they opened these organizations at every juncture in socio-economic history. In this sense, this writing proposes to analyze the reconfigurations that went through -specifically-, the work cooperativism in terms of its functions and activities, from 1989 to 2015, in light of the transformations of the political economy of Argentina . In this way, the article aims to demonstrate the repercussions of the different accumulation models and contextual frameworks, at the national level, on the functions assumed by territorial organizations on a local scale such as cooperatives. This, from the approach of a case study: the work cooperatives in the city of Villa María, province of Córdoba. For such purposes, the methodology used was the survey of specialized bibliography, the documentary analysis of newspapers, national laws, official INAES documents and the systematization and construction of information from data provided by the Municipality of Villa María, Federations and Confederations of work cooperatives of the Argentine Republic. It is concluded that the work cooperatives transformed their functional modalities based on the changes in the different accumulation models in Argentina, throughout the years analyzed. ; El cooperativismo argentino en sus distintos subtipos y clasificaciones, a lo largo de la historia argentina, asumió nuevas y diversas funciones socioeconómicas; varias de las modalidades funcionales en muchos casos se vincularon a las dinámicas económicas contextuales y a las posibilidades y oportunidades que se abrieron a estas organizaciones en cada coyuntura de la historia económico-social. n este sentido, el presente escrito propone analizar las reconfiguraciones que transitó, específicamente, el ...

At the end of a lost decade in Latin America and the Caribbean, all eyes have turned to Cuba, the last to share that experience. The delay, depth and breadth of the Cuban crisis explain why its analysis still constitutes a separate case in our heterogeneity. The authors of the papers gathered in this issue of the Journal International Studies understood this, giving readers the opportunity to test their hypotheses and proposals on the nature of the regional crisis and that of Cuba, in particular. These individually and jointly develop an international political economy approach and historical perspective, covering the period from 1959 to 1991. This makes it possible to identify the specific effects of the embargo initiated in the 1960s, of the debt crisis with the Western economies, and the socialist and Soviet collapse, as well as to appreciate the combined effect of the three today. ; Al final de una década perdida en Latinoamérica y el Caribe, las miradas han girado hacia Cuba, última en llegar a compartir esa experiencia. La tardanza, profundidad y la amplitud de la crisis cubana explican que su análisis constituya aún un caso aparte en nuestra heterogeneidad. Los autores de los trabajos reunidos en este número de Estudios Internacionales así lo entendieron, dando la oportunidad a los lectores de poner a prueba sus hipótesis y propuestas sobre la naturaleza de la crisis regional y de la cubana, en particular. Estos desarrollan individual y conjuntamente un enfoque de economía política internacional y perspectiva histórica, abarcando el período 1959-1991. Esto permite identificar los efectos específicos del embargo norteamericano iniciado en los años sesenta, de la crisis de la deuda con las economías occidentales y el derrumbe socialista y soviético, así como de apreciar el efecto combinado de los tres en la actualidad.

Since 1974, U.N. peacekeepers on the divided Mediterranean island of Cyprus have patrolled a buffer zone that divides the Greek-leaning, government-controlled south from the northern third, the self-declared Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC). The economy of Northern Cyprus resembles that of other small islands with negligible industrial production that rely on the service sector to generate income. What makes Northern Cyprus unique, however, is that the rest of the world does not acknowledge it as a separate political entity. This limits economic functions because the "country" cannot trade freely and depends on Turkey, the only nation to formally recognize Northern Cyprus.

Several studies on the New Deal have found that political factors played a significant role in determining 1930s federal spending. This suggests that federal spending was not captured by special interest groups & self-interested politicians recently, but rather, that it has been affected by these factors since the "era of big government"' began. We examine the military emergency of the 1940s to determine whether federal spending during this crisis was similarly affected by politics. 4 Tables, 12 References. Adapted from the source document.

This article critically examines the role new media can play in the political engagement of young people in Australia. Moving away from "deficit" descriptions, which assert low levels of political engagement among young people, it argues two major points. First, that there is a well-established model of contemporary political mobilisation that employs both new media and large data analysis that can and have been effectively applied to young people in electoral and non-electoral contexts. Second, that new media, and particularly social media, are not democratic by nature. Their general use and adoption by young and older people do not necessarily cultivate democratic values. This is primarily due to the type of participation afforded in the emerging "surveillance economy". The article argues that a focus on scale as drivers of influence, the underlying foundation of their affordances based on algorithms, and the centralised editorial control of these platforms make them highly participative, but unequal sites for political socialisation and practice. Thus, recent examples of youth mobilisation, such as seen in recent climate justice movements, should be seen through the lens of cycles of contestation, rather than as technologically determined.

Compelling research in international relations and international political economy on global warming suggests that one part of any meaningful effort to radically reverse current trends of increasing green house gas (GHG) emissions is shared policies among states that generate costs for such emissions in many if not most of the world's regions. Effectively employing such policies involves gaining much more extensive global commitments and developing much stronger compliance mechanism than those currently found in the Kyoto Protocol. In other words, global warming raises the prospect that we need a global form of political authority that could coordinate the actions of states in order to address this environmental threat. This in turn suggests that any serious effort to mitigate climate change will entail new limits on the sovereignty of states. In this book I focus on the normative question of whether or not we have clear moral reasons to bind ourselves together in such a supranational form of political association. I argue that one can employ familiar liberal arguments for the moral legitimacy of political order at the state level to show that we do have a duty to support such a global political project. Even if one adopts the premises employed by the most influential forms of liberal scepticism to the ideas of global political and distributive justice, such as those advanced by John Rawls and Thomas Nagel, it is clear that the threat of global warming has expanded the scope of justice. We now have a global and demanding duty of justice to create the political conditions that would allow us to collectively address our impact on the Earth's atmosphere.

Analyzes failure of Russia to transition successfully to a free market economy and political democracy as projected by raised expectations of globalization; US foreign policy recommendations for newly-elected George W. Bush administration.