Political Feasibility of Pension Reforms
In: Contributions to Economic Analysis; Unfunded Pension Systems: Ageing and Variance, S. 131-158
In: Contributions to Economic Analysis; Unfunded Pension Systems: Ageing and Variance, S. 131-158
In: Decarbonising the World's Economy, S. 259-307
In: The Russian Army in a Time of Troubles, S. 51-79
In: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics
"Ideal and Nonideal Theory in Political Philosophy" published on by Oxford University Press.
In: Opening EU-governance to civil society: gains and challenges, S. 25-43
"Interest groups are a major channel through which citizens can express their opinions to decision-makers. Their participation in policymaking may improve decision-making processes by supporting policies that are in line with citizen preferences and blocking policies that solely reflect the interests of the governing elite. At the same time, however, intense interest group pressures may make it difficult for policy-makers to implement the most efficient policies since such policies often impose costs on parts of the public.Competition among interest groups over the distribution of economic gains may also slow down the rate of economic growth (Olson 1982). Finally, if some groups constantly win, interest group politics may undermine the legitimacy of electorally accountable decision making in a democracy.
A normative assessment of the role of interest groups in democracies thus crucially depends upon how much power interest groups have, and how power is distributed among different groups. Moreover, an understanding of the role of interest groups in the policymaking process is essential for explanations of policy outcomes. Finally, analysts trying to advise government on policies also have to be aware of the power of interest groups, as this factor determines the political feasibility of different suggestions. In short, research into variations in influence across groups and political systems is important for a series of reasons. Recognising this fact, political scientists have long engaged in theoretical debates on this issue." (excerpt)
Analyzes the desirability of a multination federation in Canada as discussed by Will Kymlicka. Challenges to the feasibility of Kymlicka's depiction of a multination federation are posed: (1) framing of the Canadian case in comparative perspective is deemed erroneous & (2) considering the dynamics of the nationalist movement in Quebec, Kymlicka's argument is not compelling. Political philosophy & ideologies concerning multicultural citizenship & the idea of multination federations are discussed, & multinational federalism in Canada is not supported. L. Collins Leigh
Since the 1990s, there has been considerable debate about the feasibility & desirability of establishing Euro-parties as a way to allow voters in European Union member states to express their opinions regarding EU policy. The idea is not new, dating back to the 1970s when three 'transnational party federations' were established in expectation of their necessity in an EC-level party political democracy: the Confederation of Socialist Parties of the EC, the Federation of Liberal & Democratic Parties of the EC, & the European People's Party, which federated the Christian Democratic parties. However, the federations never gained a sustainable level of power. The history of this effort is recounted, demonstrating the federations', & subsequently the parties', membership, organization, & systemic functionality. A mix of two models of party-based democracy is suggested to be the most viable political party system for the EU today: European domestic party systems & the American-style competitive system. Tables, References. J. Stanton
A discussion of Poland's position in the budget & finance area of accession negotiations for EU membership focuses on Poland's stance that it should "achieve the position of a net beneficiary from the first year of membership." The feasibility of this arrangement that would necessitate payments to the EU budget that are smaller than transfers, is considered by examining the possible size of transfers, problems of their utilization, & the probable size of contributions. Key elements of the contributions EU members are required to make to the budget used to finance common policies are described. It is concluded that Poland's request to phase in its budget contribution is justified but, in order to avoid becoming a net contributor to the EU budget & not a net beneficiary, Poland must arrange to make the most efficient use of EU financial transfers in addition to negotiating a phasing in of budget contributions. Also, the terms of payments to the EU common budget should be determined only after talks in other areas are completed. J. Lindroth
After presenting official statistical data on employment patterns & wage inequalities in Denmark, attitudes toward the welfare state held by three groups -- state nondependents (private-sector employees, the self-employed, & housewives), public employees, & welfare recipients -- are examined, drawing on 1969-1994 election survey data. Factor analysis distinguishes attitudes in terms of (1) basic values or preferences, (2) practical attitudes toward welfare policy implementation, & (3) attitudes toward specific expenditures or issues. Trends in attitudes toward welfare legitimacy are analyzed by political affiliation & labor market position among adults ages 18-59, testing the hypotheses that this legitimacy is challenged by (A) labor market marginalization, which creates a decline in solidarity among the working class, & (B) perceptions of economic feasibility in light of the growing burden of supporting those outside the labor market. It is concluded that the economic problems of the welfare state & their political articulation are more important than divisions between the employed & unemployed. 11 Tables, 1 Figure, 33 References. K. Hyatt Stewart
Three different proposals for deploying a national missile defense system in the present-day US are examined. An analysis of the feasibility of implementing the Clinton administration's proposed limited modifications to the 1972 Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) Treaty is conducted, emphasizing its development schedule, approach toward dealing with countermeasures, & creation of a boost phase interception defense. The implications of making more severe alterations to the ABM Treaty, the formation of a missile defense system with multiple sites for launching interceptor missiles, & the use of Navy Aegis radar technology for missile defense are then addressed. Additional attention is directed toward using missile defense systems based on laser technology & George H. W. Bush's global protection against limited strikes plan. The emergence of national missile defense supporters & opponents in the American public & political sectors is considered. Several conclusions are reached, eg, that current political sentiment in the US favors limited ballistic missile defense. 1 Figure. J. W. Parker
"Since the setting up of the European Union, it has been only the nation states that have been responsible for labour market and employment policy. However, since the beginning of the 1990s, the latter have been confronted with increasing problems. For instance, the unemployment rate rose from 7.7% to 11.1% across Europe between 1990 and 1994. Moreover, in comparison to the United States and Japan, a considerably smaller portion of the EU populace was involved in gainful employment and this threatened the financial feasibility of the social insurance systems in the long term. What is more, in the years before, EU politics had been focused on the programme relating to the internal market and on creating a common currency ('Maastricht'). Here one could detect a neglect of socio-political and labour market-related issues. This in turn threatened to undermine the legitimation of the European integration process. And that is why the EU Commission then worked at establishing employment policy as an independent political field. However it was met with resistance on the part of national governments that were reluctant to surrender areas of authority in this field. The result was a compromise: the European Employment Strategy (EES) that was brought into being in 1997 by the then 15 Member States at the EU Summit in Luxembourg. With this, a new method of political steering was created which later became known as the 'Open Method of Coordination' (OMC). The fundamental principles of the OMC are first described below. After that, the main points of substance of the European Employment Strategy are brought into the forefront, paying particular attention to the topic of 'active ageing'. Next, stock is taken as regards the effectivity of the strategy from the perspective of 2010. Finally an outlook for the future will be offered that has being planned under the catchphrase 'Europe 2020'." (Text excerpt, IAB-Doku) ((en))