Suchergebnisse

Intro -- مقدمة -- الثورة التونسية -- ثورة في زمن العولمة -- الثورة وولادة الأسطورة -- ثورة تونس والثورات العربية -- الثورات العربية والتدخل الأجنبي -- الثورة وتحديات المرحلة -- الثورة والحداثة -- المشروع الحداثي بعد الثورة -- الثورة والديمقراطية -- الحداثة وما بعد الحداثة -- التراث والهوية في وجه الحداثة -- التحديث وفخّ الأدلجة -- من العالم التقليدي إلى الباحث الحديث -- التحديث بين المؤسسة الدينيّة والمؤسسة السياسية -- القراءة التحديثيّة للنص القرآني -- قراءة النص القرآني والإيمان -- الفهرس

Intro -- المقدمة -- الفصل الأول : الإطار المفاهيمي -- الفصل الثاني : المأسسة والظاهرة السياسية -- الفصل الثالث : مشروع بناء الدولة العراقية والمأسسة -- الفصل الرابع : تحديات بناء الدولة الأُمة في العراق -- الخاتمة والاستنتاجات : مأسسة السلطة وبناء الدولة - الأمة التأسيس والآليات -- المصادر والمراجع

Intro -- المحتويات -- الفصل الأول : المواد العامة -- الفصل الثاني : اللغة والكتابة والتاريخ والعلم الرسمي للبلاد -- الفصل الثالث : حقوق الشعب -- الفصل الرابع : الاقتصاد والشؤون المالية -- الفصل الخامس : سيادة الشعب والسلطات الناشئة عنها -- الفصل السادس : المبحث الأول : السلطة التشريعية -- الفصل السابع : المجالس المحلية -- الفصل الثامن : القائد ومجلس القيادة -- الفصل التاسع : السلطة التنفيذيّة -- الفصل العاشر : السياسة الخارجية -- الفصل الحادي عشر : السلطة القضائية -- الفصل الثاني عشر : الإذاعة والتلفزيون -- الفصل الثالث عشر : مجلس الأمن القومي -- الفصل الرابع عشر : تعديل الدستور -- مسرد مصطلحات

نظرا للأهمية التي تحتلها الإدارة داخل أجهزة الدولة، اعتبرها البعض "دولة داخل دولة"، في حين ذهب باحثون آخرون إلى أن الإدارة هي "مجموعة من المؤسسات الإدارية الموضوعة رهن تصرف الحكومة والمنفصلة عنها مع التراشح بينهما، تساهم في الوظيفة التشريعية والحكومية، تمارس نشاطا فعالا لا موجها لتحقيق التنمية والإصلاح والتحديث والفعاليات المختلفة ضمن سياق سياسي معين. بتأملنا في هذا التعريف يمكن القول أن الإدارة، هي دلك الجهاز أو الهيكل، حيث تم تنفيذ القرارات الصادرة عن الحكومة علما أنه منفصلا عنها، كما يستشف من نفس التعريف أن الإدارة تساهم في الوظيفة التشريعية والتنفيذية، هادفة لتحقيق التنمية والإصــلاح ويــرى عبد الله شنفار أن الإدارة تكليف ومسؤولية تدبير أهداف معينة خدمة للصالح العام ; Given the importance that the administration occupies within the state apparatus, some considered it a "state within a state", while other researchers argued that the administration is "a group of administrative institutions placed at the disposal of the government and separated from it, with the interplay between them, that contribute to the legislative and governmental function, and exercise an effective activity." It is not directed towards achieving development, reform, modernization and various activities within a specific political context. Reflecting on this definition, we can say that the administration is the body or structure, where the decisions issued by the government have been implemented, knowing that it is separate from it. It is also evident from the same definition that the administration contributes to the legislative and executive function, aiming to achieve development and reform. Abdullah Shanfar believes that the administration Assignment and responsibility for managing specific objectives in the public interest. ; Given the importance that the administration occupies within the state apparatus, some considered it a "state within a state", while other researchers argued that the administration is "a group of administrative institutions placed at the disposal of the government and separated from it, with the interplay ...

After getting rid of ISIL's military presence in Iraq, the problem of having a strategic vision in recruiting the PMF strengthened national security. In addition to the internal and external challenges that do not agree on a unified vision about these forces, which now has a law and regulation governing its work. In light of these changes, a vision is formed of the possibilities of employing these forces and making them an independent institution linked to the commander in chief of the Iraqi armed forces while preserving their national identity. The study was divided into two major parts. The first included the political and doctrinal dimensions of issuing the fatwa of jihad and the stage that witnessed the establishment of Hashed al-Shaabi. The second part included the strategic vision of employing Hashed al-Shaabi in a post- ISIL period. This part dealt with the obstacles to the strategic recruitment of Hashed al-Shaabi. Internal obstacles such as terrorism, political sectarianism and administrative corruption. The external obstacles dealt with the positions of some international and regional forces toward Hashed al-Shaabi and It's relationship with Iran. The last part discussed the possibilities of strategic recruitment of Hashed al-Shaabi in Iraq. The study relied on a number of references that dealt with the subject of Hashed al-Shaabi in several languages, such as books, analysis of research centers and academic articles for specialized researchers and media such as newspapers and television. In addition to the laws and decisions of the Iraqi government issued about Hashed al-Shaabi.

Hikama (Governance) is a peer reviewed academic journal published by the Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies and Doha Institute for Graduate Studies (p-ISSN: 2708-5805), (e-ISSN: 2708-5813). Hikama seeks to broaden the understanding of the fields of public policy and public administration in the Arab World and reinvigorate the political and social elements of public policy. It is a space for academic thought and discussion on what Arab governments - with their values, institutions, and public bodies - are doing, and should aspire to do in order to nurture politically modern and socially just Arab societies. -- AHMED MOHSEN Doctoral candidate, Faculty of Political Science and International Relations, Sabahattin Zaim University, Turkey. Email: abdelrahman.ahmed@std.izu.edu.tr ; تحاول هذه الدراللسة الإجابة عن اللسؤال التالي: لماذا اختلفت الستجابة الأجهزة البيروقراطية والتنفيذية عند تصميم اللسياسات الصحية وتنفيذها تجاه أزمة جائحة فيرولس كورونا المستجد (كوفيد19) في دول تبدو متشابهة، كونها تملك ميراثا من المركزية والأنظمة الرئالسية، كما همي الحال في مصر وتركيا؟ وتنطلق فرضية الدراسة الرئيسة من أن الأزمة في بدايتها أعطت ملساحة أكبل للوزراء التنفيذيين والتكنوقراط والأجهزة البيروقراطية المتخصطة فمي اللسيالسات الطحية والوبائية للمساهمة بشكل أكبر فمي 'لاكلملم اللسياسات الطحية لمواجهة هذا الوباء، لكن الستمرار هذه الملساحة والستكمال تلك الأدوار ارتبط بعد ذلك بمدم توافر "القدرة السياساتية" التي تتيح لهؤلاء المسؤولين ذلك. تظهر الدراسة من خلال دراسة الحالة التركية والمصرية بصورة مقارنة، أنه كلما كانت الدولة أكثل مركزية، وكانت للأزمة التمي تواجهها طبيعة خاطة وغير مسبوقة، ولديها فمي الوقت نفسه قدرات سياساتية أعلل فمي تصميم السياسات، فإن هذا يساهم فمي تعزيز دور الخبراء والبيروقراطيين في تطميم اللسيالسات عل حلساب اللسيالسيين. ; This paper seeks to answer the following question: Why have the bureaucracies and executive arms of two highly centralized presidential regimes – Egypt and Turkey – produced such different responses to the Coronavirus crisis? Its basic hypothesis is that while the crisis did initially provide scope for ministers, technocrats and bureaucrats specialized in public health to play a greater part in making health policy, their ability to maintain this newfound influence depended on their "policy capability". Through a comparison of the two case studies, this article shows that the more centralized a state is, the more unprecedented the crisis is and the more policy capability it has, the greater the role bureaucrats play at the expense of politicians.

Hawari, Anwar al-: Qabla an tada'u 'l-harb auzaraha. = Before the war ends. - S. 42-43. Qar'i, Ahmad Yusuf: Maglis al-Amn wa-ma'ziq al-amn al-gama'i ad-dauli. = The Security Council and the crisis of international security. - S. 44-49. 'Abd-al-Magid, Wahid: Al-Idara al-'iraqiya li-'l-azma wa-'l-harb. = The Iraqi management of the political crisis and the war. - S. 50-53. Mahmud, Ahmad Ibrahim: Harb al-Halig at-talita: al-istiratigiyat al-'askariya wa-dalalat as-sumud al-'iraqi. = Military strategies and Iraqi resistance. - S. 54-59. Nasrawi, Saif: Hizb al-Ba't wa-'l-harb al-amrikiya 'ala 'l-'Iraq. = The Baath Party and the US war on Iraq. - S. 60-65. 'Abd-al-Fattah, Basir: Al-Gais al-'iraqi wa-'l-wad' as-siyasi fi 'Iraq ma ba'd al-harb. = The role of the army in post-war Iraq. - S. 66-71. 'Ali, Magauri Salabi: Al-Iqtisad al-'iraqi... min al-hisar ila ma ba'd al-harb. = The economy of Iraq: from sanctions to war. - S. 72-81. Nawar, Ibrahim: Mustaqbal al-'Iraq: mahammat i'adat al-bina' as-siyasi wa-'l-mu'assasi. = The political and institutional reconstruction of Iraq. - S. 82-91. Sa'dawi, 'Atif: Akrad al-'Iraq baina 'l-muntazir wa-'l-mustaqbal al-manzur. = The future of the Kurds. - S. 92-95. 'Abd-as-Safi', 'Isam: Mu'assasat sun' al-qarar al-amrikiya wa-idarat al-azma al-'iraqiya. = The management by US decision-making institutions of the Iraqi crisis. - S. 96-107. Anani, Halil al-: Al-Iqtisad al-amriki: hisabat al-taklifa wa-'l-'a'id. = The US economy. The cost and returns of war. - S. 108-117. Salama, Adib Nagib: Al-Kana'is al-amrikiya tawaguh siyasat ar-ra'is Bus. = The US Church stands up to Bush policies. - S. 118-123. Idris, Muhammad as-Sa'id: Maglis at-Ta'awun al-Haligi wa-'l-'Iraq. = The Gulf states and Iraq. - S. 124-131. Hamada, Amal: Iran wa-'s-Sarq al-Ausat al-gadid. = Iran and the new Middle East. - S. 132-139. Dimitri, Hani 'Adil: Mu'dilat siyasat Turkiya 'l-harigiya tugaha 'l-azmat al-'iraqiya. = Turkish foreign policy and the problems of the Iraqi crisis. - S. 140-149. Gad, 'Imad: Ar-Ru'ya al-isra'iliya li-'l-harb 'ala 'l-'Iraq wa-ma ba'daha. = Israel's perspective on the war and its consequences. - S. 150-153. Sarqawi, Yusra as-: Amrikiya 'l-Latiniya wa-'l-harb al-amrikiya 'ala 'l-'Iraq. = Latin America and the war on Iraq. - S. 154-159. Muhammad, 'Ala' Guma'a: Al-Iqtisad ad-dauli baina 'l-kasad wa-'l-harb. = The impact of the war on the world economy. - S. 160-163

The Lebanon Economic Monitor provides an update on key economic developments and policies over the past six months. It also presents findings from recent World Bank work on Lebanon. It places them in a longer-term and global context, and assesses the implications of these developments and other changes in policy on the outlook for Lebanon. Lebanon continues to be impacted by the domestic political stalemate and regional turmoil, particularly along its border with Syria. Economic activity picked up in the second half of 2014. Stronger economic performance and lower oil prices pushed real GDP growth to an estimated 2.0 percent in 2014, compared to 0.9 percent in 2013. One-off cosmetic and unsustainable measures rather than policy actions helped improve the fiscal balance in 2014. We estimate the overall fiscal deficit to have declined by 2.3 percentage points. Declining imports lead an improvement in the current account balance. In 2014, a fall in merchandize imports induced a 4.4 pp reduction in the current account deficit to a still-elevated 22.2 percent of GDP. This trend is projected to continue in 2015 helped by falling oil prices and a depreciating euro, Headline inflation plummeted from 2.7 percent in 2013 to 1.9 percent in 2014 and is expected to remain tempered over the medium term. Lebanon s economy continues to be exposed to external shocks. The border with Syria is increasingly menacing as coordinated attacks by ISIS and Al Nusra are being launched more frequently from their bases in Syria. Inefficiencies in power generation impose sizable macroeconomic costs on Lebanon. The Lebanese electricity sector has been underperforming for decades with considerable socio-economic costs. The macroeconomic impact has been massive.