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When Nordic political scientists talk about dictatorships, they often refer to dictators in exotic lands, forgetting that Denmark-Norway was a dictatorship between 1660 and 1814. During that period the country was an authoritarian dictatorship with some totalitarian characteristics that spent between 1/3 and 2/3 of its budget on the army. Denmark, Norway and Sweden - that shared similar characteristics - were eventually able to break away from this, due to the growth of stable administrative, juridical and to some extent social institutions. The development towards the final breakaway in Norway and Denmark, which occurred in 1814 respectively 1848, is described in detail. L. Pitkaniemi

The role of think tanks in American politics has been increasingly subjected to systematic analysis over the last 10-15 years. In this article I review some of this literature, focusing mainly on the questions of what think tanks are, why this phenomenon is so strongly associated with the US, & what influence think tanks have on US policy-making. Think tanks comprise a wide range of organizations, from pure research institutions to the ideologically-based "advocacy think tanks" characterized by their combination of a strong political agenda & aggressive marketing techniques. The American political system has several features that allow think tanks access to the decision-making process, such as a fragmented structure with a weak party system, a central role for the mass media, & an issue-dominated political agenda. There is no good measure of the general influence of think tanks in US politics, but case studies indicate that the central role of the ideologically-based advocacy think tanks may serve to undermine the role of experts in American politics in the long term. References. Adapted from the source document.

The sixth intergovernmental conference of the European Union (EU) was opened this fall under the Italian presidency. This analysis treats the question of whether the main lines of Italian foreign policy have changed with the center-right government of Silvio Berlusconi & to what degree possible changes may influence the outcome of the conference. Since September 11 (2001), Italy has been confronted with a series of challenges. First, Italy was caught in the middle of the disagreement between US & France/Germany on the Iraq question. Taking sides was very difficult for a country that has traditionally had atlanticism & European engagement as its main pillars in security & foreign policy. Berlusconi expressed that he would place high priority on the Atlantic alliance. Secondly, Italy had to face the new developments within the European integration process. Convinced that the differentiation between a development towards an intergovernmental system & a communitary one was no longer relevant, the Italian delegation at the Convention supported all the proposals that would guarantee a power balance between the three main institutions of the EU (Council, Commission, & Parliament). 28 References. Adapted from the source document.

Provides an introduction to the history of modern Somalia followed by an analysis of the piracy epidemic that started in 2003. Political scientists consider Somalia the archetype of a failed state. The country is essentially divided in Somaliland, Puntland, Southern Somalia, and a number of smaller chiefdoms lacking a central regime and functioning government institutions. While pirate activity started already in 1991, it took twelve years before the activity became professional and well organized. After capturing several larger ships, such as Sirius Star and MV Faina, the pirates have been able to purchase better weaponry and communication devices making them even larger threats to passing ships. L. Pitkaniemi

One in a series of articles on the topic of empires, this article briefly outlines the rise and fall of the Roman Empire. The article addresses the timing of formation of the Roman Empire and the emergence of imperialistic patterns. The maintenance of the empire is examined to identify political mechanisms or systems that supported the empire. Roman foreign policy is credited as an essential factor to maintaining the power of the Roman Empire. The article examines central institutions of power in the period of Augustus (BC 27 to AD 14) and Hadrian (AD 117 to AD 138). The articles' discussion of Augustus' rule include his extensive travels to establish relationships with local rulers that buffered Rome and reduced the cost of direct management and his investments in infrastructure such an advanced road system, which to an extent decreased the empire's reliance on military power and increased reliance on adherence to laws dictated by the Emperor. Identifying factors of an empire are identified, including military power, political cohesiveness, and an inherently hierarchical organization. The identifying factors of the Roman Empire are compared to the identifying factors of present-day Russia and the United States. References. E. Sundby

The ramifications for Norwegian foreign policy, as a non-member of the European Union, are radically changed since the Cold War. The world has changed from a bipolar order with the US as a conserving superpower, to a unipolar world with the US as a radical superpower. 11 September 2001, & the following war on terrorism, has been a catalyst in this respect. As a result the US is today relating to international institutions as far as they are instrumental in the enhancement of American values & interests. The alliance between the US & Norway today lacks a common denominator. The threat from the east is gone. Still, Norwegian foreign policy & alliance orientation is very much the same as before. Why? Is it because reorientation for foreign policy comes harder in Norway than elsewhere? Historically, foreign policy in Norway has been more a question of administration than one of policy making. Furthermore, broad political consensus on foreign policy is a main political objective in itself. This has left little room for public & political discourse on foreign policy. The benefit is stability. The cost is reduced ability to adapt to radical international changes. A third factor is the ever-lasting question of Norwegian EU membership, which has made interest-based foreign policy more difficult. Norway outside the power blocs of international politics must balance on the interests of other states. Therefore, a clear understanding of Norwegian interests in 2005 -- outside the EU & dc-linked from the reflexes of the Cold War -- is needed. 10 References. Adapted from the source document.

"Prison has always been an attractive object for study in the field of sociology. Few other areas of modern society demonstrate social reality's fundamental ideas so clearly and obviously than prison. Social deviance and stigma, ostracism and integration, control and discipline, power and inequality are all examples of key sociological concepts that are crystalized in daily life in a prison environment.

Fengslende sosiologi. Makt, straff og identitet i Trondheims fengsler (Captivating Sociology. Power, Punishment and Identity in Trondheim's Prisons) presents twelve scholarly, peer-reviewed chapters that explore various aspects of prison as a social phenomenon, both as a part of and an expression of society.

The majority of the contributions build on empirical studies at maximum and minimum-security prisons in Trondheim, but the analyses have a broader relevance – both empirically and theoretically – for our understanding of power, punishment and identity in Norwegian penal institutions. Most of the contributors are associated with the Department of Sociology and Political Science at NTNU, the Norwegian University of Science and Technology, and the department's project 'Fengslende sosiologi' ('Captivating Sociology'). Several of the texts are by former master's students in sociology and present further analyses based on their master's projects.

This anthology will be of interest to scholars and practitioners in the field as well as students and others interested in prison as a social institution and penal institutions in general." - "I sosiologien har fengselet alltid vært et attraktivt studieobjekt. Her demonstreres den sosiale virkelighetens grunnleggende begreper så klart og tydelig som få andre steder i det moderne samfunnet. Sosiale avvik og stigma, utstøting og integrering, kontroll og disiplin, makt og ulikhet er alle eksempler på sosiologiske nøkkelbegreper som krystalliseres i fengselets hverdagsliv.

I antologien Fengslende sosiologi. Makt, straff og identitet i Trondheims fengsler presenteres i alt tolv vitenskapelige, fagfellevurderte kapitler som diskuterer ulike sider ved fengselet som sosialt fenomen, både som en del av og som et uttrykk for samfunnet

De fleste bidragene bygger på empiriske studier ved høy- og lavsikkerhetsfengslene i Trondheim, men analysene har bredere relevans – både empirisk og teoretisk – for forståelsen av makt, straff og identitet i de norske strafferettsinstitusjonene. De fleste forfatterne er tilknyttet Institutt for sosiologi og statsvitenskap ved Norges teknisk-naturvitenskapelige universitet (NTNU) og instituttets prosjekt «Fengslende sosiologi». Flere av tekstene er skrevet av tidligere masterstudenter i sosiologi og presenterer bearbeidede analyser fra deres masterprosjekter.

Målgruppen for antologien er forskere, utøvere i praksisfeltet, studenter og andre med interesse for fengselet som sosial institusjon og strafferettsinstitusjonene mer allment."

The article discusses opportunities and challenges related to co-ordination across governance levels. The challenge is at least threefold: partly related to the balance between continuity and change, specifically the ability of public administration to balance a stable core while adjusting, updating and reforming; partly the balance between efficiency and legitimacy, more precisely the ability to solve short-term problems in the face of crises and long-term challenges related to legitimate solutions in general and parliamentary anchoring specifically; partly the dilemma between political-administrative order in turbulent times, specifically how public institutions deal with crises and difficult problems when the relationships between problem and solution are difficult to understand and challenging to control. The article discusses these dilemmas in what is presented as a European multilevel administrative state. ; Artikkelen diskuterer muligheter og utfordringer knyttet til koordinering på tvers av styringsnivåer. Utfordringen er minst tredelt: Dels knyttet til balansen mellom kontinuitet og endring, nærmere bestemt evnen offentlig forvaltning har til å balansere en stabil kjerne samtidig som den justerer, oppdaterer og reformerer; dels balansen mellom effektivitet og legitimitet, nærmere bestemt evnen til kortsiktig problemløsningen i møtet med kriser og langsiktige utfordringer knyttet til legitime løsninger generelt og parlamentarisk forankring konkret; dels dilemmaet mellom politisk-administrativ orden i turbulente tider, nærmere bestemt hvordan offentlige institusjoner håndterer kriser og vanskelige problemer når sammenhengene mellom problem og løsning er vanskelige å forstå og krevende å kontrollere. Artikkelen diskuterer disse dilemmaene i det som fremstilles som en europeisk administrativ flernivåstat.

The article addresses the problem of welfare gaps in Europe in the context of the planned enlargement of the EU & NATO. In the beginning of 1990s one of the greatest challenges facing the West was the possibility of uncontrolled mass migration from the former Soviet bloc. The Western institutions, the EU & NATO, could meet this challenge by introducing restrictions on the movement of people, but they decided to embark on what could be termed a policy of "institutional migration." They both decided to go east & at the same time formulated clear entry criteria for those who wanted to join them. After a decade of difficult negotiations, Europe will take the next step on 1 May 2004 when 10 new countries will join the European integration project as new members. However, there are some signs that this enlargement can result in the creation of not a united but a more divided Europe, where the principle of solidarity may become a victim of short-sighted political games. The introduction of restrictions on the access to the common labor market to the citizens of the new member states is an unfortunate symbolic signal sent by the old members of the EU & may herald the creation of a Europe of two speeds, a development that may have far-reaching consequences for the future of the whole European integration project that for more than 50 years has secured peace on the continent. 2 Tables, 10 References. Adapted from the source document.