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An important element shaping the political system of Switzerland was adopting the Federal Constitution in 1848. The current Federal Constitution of the Swiss Confederation was adopted in 1999. The current political system of this country can be referred to as directorial; however, because this specific system manifests itself mainly through the significant role of the cantons, it is also referred to as a "parliamentary-cantonal" system. The paper was divided into six parts: historical and institutional determinants, socio-political divisions, assumptions and functioning of Swiss federalism, party system and "magic formula", main political institutions, and instruments and procedures. In the article, both institutional and legal methods were applied. An important element of the system is the large degree of independence and self-reliance of the cantons and the communes. What determines the shape of the political parties and the socio-political division of Switzerland is the multiculturalism of the country. The fundamental democratic instruments in the country comprise referenda, popular initiatives, and popular assemblies. ; Uchwalenie Konstytucji Federalnej w 1848 roku było istotne dla kształtowania systemu politycznego Szwajcarii. Współczesne brzmienie Konstytucji Federalnej Konfederacji Szwajcarskiej uchwalono w 1999 roku. Obecnie system tego kraju można określić mianem parlamentarno komitetowego (system konwentu). Ze względu jednak na jego specyfikę, objawiającą się w głównie w dużej roli kantonów, jest określany także jako parlamentarno-kantonalny. Artykuł podzielono na sześć części: uwarunkowania historyczne i instytucjonalne, podziały socjopolityczne, założenia i funkcjonowanie szwajcarskiego federalizmu, system partyjny i "formuła magiczna", główne instytucje ustrojowe oraz instrumenty i procedury. W badaniach zastosowano podejście instytucjonalno-prawne, analizę systemową oraz analizę historyczną. W toku badań wykazano, że istotnym elementem systemu jest duża niezależność i samodzielność kantonów, a także gmin. Czynnikiem determinującym kształt partii politycznych i podział socjopolityczny Szwajcarii jest przede wszystkim jej wielokulturowość. Zasadniczymi instrumentami demokratycznymi w tym państwie są: referendum, inicjatywa ludowa, zgromadzenie ludowe.

It can be argued that the Constitution of the Fifth Republic is an asset for France, if only because of its longevity. Besides, given the objective set by its founders in 1958, namely to restore the state around the executive, the Fifth Republic is undoubtedly a success. However, this success has led to an imbalance in the functioning of the institutions, which, despite attempts at reform, remain essentially centred on the head of state. The article addresses this issue through the prism of three fundamental issues: 'the spirit' of the Constitution, focused on the reconstruction of the State; 'institutions', unequal in favour of the President of the Republic; and 'practice', sometimes unconstitutional.

The author tries to answer the question what are the political barriers to the development of metropolitan areas? He concludes that it is incredibly complicated and it causes many conflicts at many levels of authority. Therefore he examines several types of conflicts: conflict central city versus surrounding municipalities, the region vs. metropolis, the region vs. the central authorities, the central authorities vs. Metropolis. The subject of conflict is the division of powers between different tiers of local government. The entity most active in the debate on the shape of jurisdiction is the regional level, which is potentially the biggest loser, because losing a significant portion of its proceeds. Furthermore, in the case of a metropolitan institution manages the development of regional less wealthy individuals. The particular type of conflict we are dealing at the level of the metropolis and the central government. It is extremely destructive and can lead to ones-zero game, which has the privileged position of the government, which could solve the structure of the Metropolitan (for example of London). In view of the fact that political institutions determine the policy framework, the process of introduction of new metropolitan institutions must be carefully planned. Introduction solutions require consultation and a precise division of powers.

Political parties are the key element of the representative formula of democratic system. The aim of the paper is to show parties' attitudes towards the citizen legislative initiative, being an institution of direct democracy. The analysis was carried out with the inclusion of the following three levels of party activity: conceptional, programme-related and functional. Both on the conceptional and programme-related levels there is a lack of reflexion and – in consequence – hardly any debate held on the essence of the institution of citizen legislative initiative, its significance and consequences with regard to the socio-political system. This results in an almost mechanical acceptance of concrete legal solutions, which – at the next stage, i.e., that of realization of these records – ends in an escape from the problem (here: prolonging works of Parliament or an instrumental making use of citizens' activity).Both ruling parties and those in the Opposition – despite obvious differences in the approach towards institutions of direct democracy – are joined by an axiologically justified dislike of strengthening these forms of citizens' engagement, which diminish the area of representative democracy.

Political parties are the key element of the representative formula of democratic system. The aim of the paper is to show parties' attitudes towards the citizen legislative initiative, being an institution of direct democracy. The analysis was carried out with the inclusion of the following three levels of party activity: conceptional, programme-related and functional. Both on the conceptional and programme-related levels there is a lack of reflexion and – in consequence – hardly any debate held on the essence of the institution of citizen legislative initiative, its significance and consequences with regard to the socio-political system. This results in an almost mechanical acceptance of concrete legal solutions, which – at the next stage, i.e., that of realization of these records – ends in an escape from the problem (here: prolonging works of Parliament or an instrumental making use of citizens' activity).Both ruling parties and those in the Opposition – despite obvious differences in the approach towards institutions of direct democracy – are joined by an axiologically justified dislike of strengthening these forms of citizens' engagement, which diminish the area of representative democracy.

Artykuł rozważa zmianę w endeckim dyskursie politycznym w okresie rewolucji 1905–1907. Podejmuję w nim analizę zmiany stosunku do "mas". Wizję modernizacji mas traktuję jako specyficzną formę dyskursu nowoczesności – reakcję na niezdeterminowanie, nieadekwatność politycznych instytucji i języków i gwałtowne rozszerzenie realnego uczestnictwa politycznego. Argumentuję, że określona koniunktura czy splot zdarzeń, zarówno z dziedziny myślenia politycznego, jak i procesów społecznych, wytworzyła specyficzną sytuację kryzysu, pewien moment polityczny. Określona reakcja na ten moment – w tym przypadku organicystyczny, hierarchiczny dyskurs wspólnoty i wizja zdyscyplinowanych mas pod endecką kontrolą, zadecydowała o kształcie całości endeckiego myślenia politycznego. Ów efekt ma swoje długofalowe konsekwencje i określa późniejszy kształt ideowy formacji endeckiej. ; The article examines a change in Polish National Democratic (Nationalist) political discourse accompanying the 1905 Revolution. In particular, I scrutinize the change in the conceptualization of "the masses". I consider a particular vision of the modernization of the masses as a form of discourse of modernity. Thus, I see it as a reaction to the indeterminacy of the social inadequacy of existing political institutions and discourses and the rapid widening of actual political participation. I argue that specific conjuncture between lineages of political thinking and social processes created a tipping point: a political moment or crisis. A particular answer for this moment – in this case an organic, hierarchic discourse of community and the envisioned whole of disciplined masses under the nationalistic control – defined the forthcoming shape of the National Democratic program. This resulted in long lasting consequences and defined the overall National Democratic project.

The author - using empirical data - claims that a meritocratic approach to public governance in Poland does not seem deeply rooted. The research indicates that since mid-November 2015 until the beginning of November 2017 meritocratic rules have been totally ignored in governmental institutions including state-owned companies. Many legal regulations were enacted in order to introduce changes in managing bodies responsible for key public institutions as well as companies. The drive to improve their effectiveness were not of prime importance. The key criterion for promoting was based on the decision-maker's personal trust. There are many implications of the above-mentioned development, including a loss of trust to the state resulting in a moral degeneration from the perspective of political class as well society as a whole.

The main purpose of the article is to present the evolution of legal regulations regarding national minorities in Ukraine, the structure of these minorities and the dynamics of demographic change. The authors analyzed the geographical distribution as well as the political, cultural and educational activity of the most numerous national minorities. They presented the main reasons for the increase or decrease in the size of the largest national groups. The political and legal foundations of minority activities, the specificity of the organization of their educational institutions, national-cultural associations and ethnic parties were analyzed. Particular attention was paid to the problematic provisions of the new Education Act (2017), which reduced the status of languages of national minorities in education and led to the deterioration of relations with individual countries with which minorities are associated. The authors discussed the most severe problems in bilateral relations arising from Ukraine's policy towards minorities and some ideas on how to solve them. The main methods of improving nationality policy in contemporary Ukraine were also presented.

The author suggests that the research for new methods in the political science in the USA, Which broadly use the concept of systems analysis, realy came into prominence after the Second World War. The impetus for it involved both theoretical and practical considerations. Three of these seem to be of particular importance. First, it became necessary to attempt to explain in some objective manner the failure of "democracy", and the rise of authoritarian political institutions in Germany during the inter-war period. Second, the rise of socialist countries in Europe. Third, the creation of new states in Asia and Africa, as a result of failure of the colonial empires. The first important presentation of systems approach in political science in the USA was made by David Easton. He was primarily concerned with portraying the relationships between a system and the environment in which it was located. He directed attention to the boundary between politics and other aspects of social life, and, postulated the existence of close relationship between the system and environment. Applying systems analysis to (political science, some researchers have developed lists of political functional requisites. One such list war developed by Gabriel Almond, who divides it into four input, and three output functions. The Gabriel Almond's attitudes to the systems analysis is strongly functional oriented. Heapplied the basic Talcott Parsons thesis to the political science considerations. Other scholar, K. W. Deutsch, presents systems analysis in a cybernetic framework. Political systems, from his point of view, are the self-controling, and self-organyzing communication net. Deutsch, however, does not limit his concern to the communication of information; in addition he wants to apply communication theory to the political decision making process, to the role and relative weight of mass media, compared with past memories, stereotypes and other media, and to areas of attetjon, perception and orientation, values and evaluation, goal-seeking, and decision making. The author stresses the fact that, as a scientific method, systems analysis concept, is nolt well developed yet. However, it presents a good background for interdisciplinary research of political institution in action. On the other hand, it cannot be tracted as a universal tool for analyzing all political phenomena. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

This article analyzes the most important political, social, ethical problems of modern society – lies in the media, "fake news" as an indicator of the degradation of the media, civil society institutions, and the authorities. The article analyzes the information processes of modern society, states the influence of fake news on political processes. The article reveals the importance of the political culture of society and the negative perception of fake news. This phenomenon is considered in the context of the informational picture of the world, the need of the authorities to abuse the institution of journalism as an agent of influence and manipulation of public opinion. The study notes the role of the linguistic factor in the implementation of the functions of manipulating society, reducing the level of citizens' trust in the state. The article attempts to reveal the role of social networks in promoting fake news. On the example of the secondary interpretation of the results of a sociological survey in the United States, the negative perception of fake news by society is revealed. The survey results indicate the growth of inequality and prejudice in society. The article concludes about the social turbulence of the processes of modern society.

The article analyses the political attitudes and behaviours of the citizens, and describes the content and dynamics of the changes occurring due to the evolution of the Polish political system. The analysis of political participation by Polish citizens is presented in relation to the theoretical construct of social attitudes as a foundation of democracy, as proposed by Dahl. In the context of society's approach to democracy and trust in institutions, a comparative analysis has been presented of voter participation in subsequent parliamentary and local elections. The process of creating a civil society, including the various forms of participation in non-governmental organisations, has been presented in relation to attitudes such as cooperation, social trust and care for the common good.In order to illustrate the egocentric and particularistic attitudes, the activities of citizens involved in the politics of protest have been analysed. Recent years have seen a number of demonstrations; symbolic in nature and testimony to certain principles, which have been used here as material for the analysis of the ideological approach to political problems.To sum up the problem of political participation of Polish citizens, it can be said that the dynamics of the forms and content of political participation indicates a growing involvement of citizens in the governance process, which definitely makes a positive contribution to the development of democracy. It must be noted, however, that the political activity of a large part of society has not been motivated by pro-democratic attitudes. The high diversification, disparity and instability of attitudes translate into the forms and content of political participation. ; Artykuł zawiera analizę postaw i zachowań politycznych obywateli, opis ich treści i dynamiki zmian zachodzących pod wpływem ewolucji polskiego systemu politycznego. Analizę partycypacji politycznej Polaków przedstawiono w odniesieniu do teoretycznego konstruktu postaw społecznych leżących u podstaw demokracji, zaproponowanego przez R. Dahla. W kontekście stosunku społeczeństwa do demokracji i zaufania do instytucji przedstawiono analizę porównawczą partycypacji wyborczej w kolejnych wyborach parlamentarnych i samorządowych. Proces kreowania społeczeństwa obywatelskiego – różne formy uczestnictwa w organizacjach pozarządowych przedstawiono w odniesieniu do postaw współdziałania, zaufania społecznego i dbałości o wspólne dobro.Dla ilustracji postaw egocentrycznych i partykularnych grupowych dokonano analizy działań obywateli uczestniczących w polityce protestu. Liczne demonstracje, jakie miały miejsce w ostatnich latach o znaczeniu symbolicznym, stanowiące wyraz dawania świadectwa wartościom posłużyły jako materiał do analizy ideologicznego stosunku do problemów politycznych.Podsumowując problem partycypacji politycznej Polaków można stwierdzić, iż dynamika form i treści partycypacji politycznej świadczą o pogłębiającym się uczestnictwie obywateli w procesie rządzenia państwem, co niewątpliwie stanowi pozytywny aspekt rozwoju demokracji. Zauważyć jednakże należy, że u podstaw aktywności politycznej znacznej części społeczeństwa nie leżą postawy sprzyjające demokracji. Silne zróżnicowanie, niespójność i chwiejność postaw przekłada się na formy i treść partycypacji politycznej.

Artykuł zawiera analizę postaw i zachowań politycznych obywateli, opis ich treści i dynamiki zmian zachodzących pod wpływem ewolucji polskiego systemu politycznego. Analizę partycypacji politycznej Polaków przedstawiono w odniesieniu do teoretycznego konstruktu postaw społecznych leżących u podstaw demokracji, zaproponowanego przez R. Dahla. W kontekście stosunku społeczeństwa do demokracji i zaufania do instytucji przedstawiono analizę porównawczą partycypacji wyborczej w kolejnych wyborach parlamentarnych i samorządowych. Proces kreowania społeczeństwa obywatelskiego – różne formy uczestnictwa w organizacjach pozarządowych przedstawiono w odniesieniu do postaw współdziałania, zaufania społecznego i dbałości o wspólne dobro. Dla ilustracji postaw egocentrycznych i partykularnych grupowych dokonano analizy działań obywateli uczestniczących w polityce protestu. Liczne demonstracje, jakie miały miejsce w ostatnich latach o znaczeniu symbolicznym, stanowiące wyraz dawania świadectwa wartościom posłużyły jako materiał do analizy ideologicznego stosunku do problemów politycznych. Podsumowując problem partycypacji politycznej Polaków można stwierdzić, iż dynamika form i treści partycypacji politycznej świadczą o pogłębiającym się uczestnictwie obywateli w procesie rządzenia państwem, co niewątpliwie stanowi pozytywny aspekt rozwoju demokracji. Zauważyć jednakże należy, że u podstaw aktywności politycznej znacznej części społeczeństwa nie leżą postawy sprzyjające demokracji. Silne zróżnicowanie, niespójność i chwiejność postaw przekłada się na formy i treść partycypacji politycznej. ; The article analyses the political attitudes and behaviours of the citizens, and describes the content and dynamics of the changes occurring due to the evolution of the Polish political system. The analysis of political participation by Polish citizens is presented in relation to the theoretical construct of social attitudes as a foundation of democracy, as proposed by Dahl. In the context of society's approach to democracy and trust in institutions, a comparative analysis has been presented of voter participation in subsequent parliamentary and local elections. The process of creating a civil society, including the various forms of participation in non-governmental organisations, has been presented in relation to attitudes such as cooperation, social trust and care for the common good. In order to illustrate the egocentric and particularistic attitudes, the activities of citizens involved in the politics of protest have been analysed. Recent years have seen a number of demonstrations; symbolic in nature and testimony to certain principles, which have been used here as material for the analysis of the ideological approach to political problems. To sum up the problem of political participation of Polish citizens, it can be said that the dynamics of the forms and content of political participation indicates a growing involvement of citizens in the governance process, which definitely makes a positive contribution to the development of democracy. It must be noted, however, that the political activity of a large part of society has not been motivated by pro-democratic attitudes. The high diversification, disparity and instability of attitudes translate into the forms and content of political participation.

Views on the institution of direct democracy have changed during the period of democratic transition. The various advantages and positive effects of direct democracy have been confirmed by the practice of some democratic countries. Its educational and political activation value for society was also noted, without which civil society cannot form. The referendum is especially treated as the purest form of correlation between the views of society and the decisions of its representatives. In a situation where two representative bodies are present – the parliament and the president – a referendum is considered a means of resolving disputes between them in important state affairs. The referendum is nowadays becoming more than just a binding or consultative opinion on a legislative act, especially a constitution. First and foremost, it is important to see the extension of the type and scope of issues that are subject to direct voting. Apart from the traditional, i.e., constitutional changes, polarising issues that raise considerable emotion have become the subject of referenda. Problems of this type include, in particular, moral issues, membership in international organisations, and so-called 'New Policy'. This article presents the role and importance of the referendum as an institution shaping the democratic systems of the Black Sea Region.

The study presents the issues of a semi-presidential political system which can be distinguished in a few European countries. First, the autor presents the 5th Republic in France which is undoubtedly a model of his political system. There is the description of the structure of the main state authorities and the relations between them. The autor indicates the constitutional status and the decisive role of the president of the republic as the most important feature of the French semi-presidential political system. The attention is also paid to the parliament with the emphasis on these legal and political solutions which lead to the restriction of the legislative status. The paper also includes the issues concerning political position and importance of the government as well as the scope of its responsibility before the parliament and before the president of the republic. After the presentation of the political system of the 5th Republic, the autor attempts to show if and to what extent the present French political institutions are reflected in the political system of the Russian Federation. Therefore, he presents the regulations in the legally binding Russian constitution of 1993 and characterises the political status of the highest state authorities in the Russian Federation: the president, the government and the parliament. The author mainly emphasises these legal regulations which are similar to the political solutions used in the semi-presidential political system of the 5th Republic. ; Artykuł nie zawiera abstraktu w języku polskim

This draft was inspired by the intention to describe the attitude of the political elites of contemporary Poland to referendums at the national level. To this end, reference is made to the opinions voiced in the period 1989–2011. Consequently, the analysis spans the experience of twenty two years, which is a sufficient period to identify certain regularities. The surveys conducted indicate that Polish citizens have the right to participate in a referendum, but they do not have a right to referendum, that is to initiate a public vote. This shape of the legal foundations for national referendum is a consequence of the fact that political elites are inclined to apply this institution of direct democracy only provided that it is beneficial to them. Therefore, at the national level there is only a top-bottom referendum (supervised by the political elite). It appears that it contradicts the possibility of treating this institution of direct democracy as equal to representative forms of governance. ; This draft was inspired by the intention to describe the attitude of the political elites of contemporary Poland to referendums at the national level. To this end, reference is made to the opinions voiced in the period 1989–2011. Consequently, the analysis spans the experience of twenty two years, which is a sufficient period to identify certain regularities. The surveys conducted indicate that Polish citizens have the right to participate in a referendum, but they do not have a right to referendum, that is to initiate a public vote. This shape of the legal foundations for national referendum is a consequence of the fact that political elites are inclined to apply this institution of direct democracy only provided that it is beneficial to them. Therefore, at the national level there is only a top-bottom referendum (supervised by the political elite). It appears that it contradicts the possibility of treating this institution of direct democracy as equal to representative forms of governance.